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'L  I  E>  RAR.Y 

OF   THE 
UNIVERSITY 
Of    ILLINOIS 

GIFT  OF 

HARLAN  H.  HORNER 

CLASS  OF  1901 

917o7 

W27wh 
1911 


lOINOIS  HISTORICAL  SURVEY 


Washington  and  the  West 


"  WASHINGTON'S    MILL  " 
On  Washington's  Run,  near  Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania,  built  iTiJ,-!^ 


Washington  and  the  West 

Being  George  Washington's  Diary  of  September,  17 84. 

Kept  during  his  journey  into  the  Ohio  Basin  in   the 

interest  of  a   commercial   union   between   the   Great 

Lakes  and  the  Potomac  River 


And  a  commentary  upon  the  same  by 

Archer  Butler  Hulbert 

Author  of  Historic  Hightvays  of  America^  etc. 

With  Maps 


For  sale  by 

The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Company 
Cleveland 

19 1 1 


Copyright,   1905,  by 
The  Century  Co. 


FubHihed  October,   igOj 


1911 


TO 

REUBEN  GOLD  THWAITES,  LL.D. 

THIS   VOLUME  IS  GRATEFULLY  DEDICATED. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

INTRODUCTION i 


DIARY  OF  SEPTEMBER,    1784 25 

WASHINGTON    AND  THE  AWAKENING    OF  THE 

WEST 107 

INDEX zoi 


LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

"Washington's  Mill" Frontispiece 

FACING    PAGE 

Map  of  Washington's  Western  Tour,  September,  1784     ...      32 

Map  of  Washington  County  at  the  time  of  Washington's  Tour  .      48 

Braddock's  Road 132 

Plat  of  Washington's  Farm  in  Great  Meadows,  near  Farming- 
ton,  Pennsylvania 137 

Washington's   Map  of  the   Country  between  the   Potomac  and 

Youghiogheny  Rivers  [1784] 184 


Washington  and  the  West 


Washington  and  the  West 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  Washington  who  was  "  first  in  war  "  is 
far  better  known  than  the  Washington  who 
was  "  first  in  peace  " ;  and  yet  the  late  Herbert  B. 
Adams  said  of  the  latter  man  —  and  the  tribute 
must  stand  as  one  of  the  most  singular  ever  made 
by  scholar  of  statesman  — "  It  would  seem  as 
though  all  lines  of  our  public  policy  lead  back  to 
Washington  as  all  roads  lead  to  Rome." 

The  present  volume,  containing  Washington's 
diary  of  September,  1784,  presents  Washington's 
attitude  toward  one  of  the  great  national  policies 
of  the  early  Republic :  expansion  and  internal  im- 
provements. As  a  prophet  of  the  former  and  a 
promoter  of  the  latter,  Washington  had  a  pro- 
found influence  upon  our  early  economic  history; 
and  the  story  of  his  attempt  to  inspire  his  people  to 
grow  strong  after  he  had  marvelously  inspired  them 
to  become  free,  is  not  unworthy  of  special  record. 

As  no  one  knew  better  than  Washington  the 
extremities  to  which  the  revolting  colonies  were 
led  during  the  war  for  freedom,  so  no  one  knew 
better  than  he  the  pitiful  condition  of  the  country 

3 


INTRODUCTION 

in  those  critical  afterhours  when  America  was  lit- 
tle else  than  free.  One  will  look  in  vain  for  more 
discouraging  words  than  some  to  be  found  now 
in  Washington's  correspondence :  "  We  shall  wan- 
ton and  run  riot,"  he  wrote  Governor  Harrison  of 
Virginia,  "  until  we  have  brought  our  reputation 
to  the  brink  of  ruin";  he  described  the  "half- 
starved,  limping  government  that  appears  to  be 
always  moving  upon  crutches,  and  tottering  at 
every  step  "  as  "  descending  into  the  vale  of  con- 
fusion and  darkness."  All  this  within  two  years 
of  the  close  of  the  war.  What,  it  may  well  be 
asked,  was  Washington  doing  in  these  years  to 
help  the  country  concerning  which  he  uttered  such 
dismal  opinions  ? 

It  is  of  signal  interest  that  he  struck  at  the  root 
of  the  immeasurably  difficult  and  important  prob- 
lem. His  answer  was,  Expansion.  Washington 
was  our  first  expansionist,  not  for  expansion's 
sake,  truly,  but  for  country's  sake  and  duty's.  In 
so  far  as  the  Washington  who  was  "first  in 
peace  "  has  been  pictured  as  a  complacent  old  gen- 
tleman, loaded  with  honors,  taking  life  peacefully 
in  slippers  and  arm-chair  before  a  Mount  Vernon 
fireplace,  the  real  man  is  most  thoroughly  mis- 
conceived. Take,  rather,  the  picture,  dimly  out- 
lined in  the  following  diary,  of  Washington  camp- 
ing in  the  rain  with  no  cover  but  his  cloak  amid 
the  Alleghany  Mountains  three  hundred  miles 

4 


INTRODUCTION 

from  home,  and  we  begin  to  have  a  conception  of 
the  earnestness  of  the  real  Washington.  For 
while  he  did  not  refuse  to  face  squarely  the  dark 
side  of  the  problem,  he  also  looked  on  the  bright ; 
and,  looking,  he  uttered  a  clear  note  of  enthusi- 
asm that  opened  the  eyes  of  a  prostrate  people. 
The  leader  of  small  ragged  armies  now  became 
the  leader  of  a  whole  nation  which  at  one  and  the 
same  time  should  expand  and  unify.  A  living  na- 
tion must  be  a  growing  nation,  and  Washington 
looked  to  the  Alleghanies  and  the  rich  empire  on 
the  Mississippi  and  Great  Lakes  for  hope  and 
light ;  if  others  thought  the  vast  territory  beyond 
the  mountains  a  hopeless  encumbrance,  he  did 
not ;  if  others  thought  to  see  England,  France  and 
Spain  seizing  upon  commercial  and  political 
spheres  of  influence  there,  he  did  not;  if  others 
thought  to  see  the  East  at  last  abandon  the  West 
because  it  was  a  burden  too  heavy  to  carry,  Wash- 
ington did  not.  On  the  contrary,  Washington  saw 
in  the  awakening  of  the  West  a  hope  for  the  East 
— in  a  day  when  hopes  and  fears  were  running  a 
hard  race  in  human  hearts  for  the  mastery. 

Men  pointed  out  that  France  and  England  had 
not  held  the  trans- Alleghany  empire,  even  though 
making  vast  expenditures  in  men  and  treasure; 
how  could  the  poor  Republic,  "  one  nation  to-day,, 
thirteen  to-morrow%"  do  what  France  and  Eng- 
land had  failed  to  do  ?    It  was  a  fair  question,  but 

5 


INTRODUCTION 

Washington  met  it  with  an  answer  prophetically 
strong:  France  and  England  had  held  the  West 
by  a  military  rule  that  was  wholly  artificial  and 
endlessly  expensive ;  Washington  stood  for  a  new 
system,  for  a  possession  of  the  West  that  meant  a 
blessing  to  possessor  and  possessed,  by  means  of 
a  commercial  union.  It  was  a  pioneer  idea  in- 
stinct with  genius,  and  Washington's  advocacy  of 
it  marked  a  new  epoch  in  American  history,  and 
marks  him  as  the  first  commercial  American  — 
the  first  man  typical  of  the  America  that  was  to 
be.  England  had  restrained  Western  immigra- 
tion in  order  to  monopolize  more  effectively  the 
fur  trade ;  this  commerce  was  a  pitifully  one-sided 
affair  that  excluded  all  the  other  industries.  How 
vastly  opposed  to  this  was  the  policy  that  threw 
the  West  open  to  the  flood-tides  of  pioneers,  and 
then  welded  it  to  the  East  by  such  bands  of  com- 
merce as  Washington  now  began  to  forge  in 

1784! 

"  There  are  no  Alleghanies  in  my  politics,"  said 
Daniel  Webster  in  the  Senate  in  1836;  that  was 
Washington's  political  theory  in  1784.  "Inter- 
course between  the  mighty  interior  West  and  the 
sea-coast,"  said  Edward  Everett  in  Faneuil  Hall 
in  1835,  "  is  the  great  principle  of  our  commercial 
prosperity  " ;  that  was  Washington's  commercial 
theory  in  1784.  Far-seeing  as  were  Everett  and 
Webster  and  Clinton  and  the  Morrises,  Wash- 

6 


INTRODUCTION 

ington  excelled  them  all  in  that  he  antedated  them 
in  realizing  the  destinies  of  America  ran  east  and 
west. 

Washington's  earnestness  is  well  exemplified 
by  the  timeliness  of  his  activity;  even  before  the 
close  of  the  Revolution  he  began  this  active  cam- 
paign for  commercial  expansion.  Leaving  his 
camp  at  Newburgh,  New  York,  he  made  a  three 
weeks'  tour  up  the  Mohawk  River  into  central 
New  York,  in  order  to  view  that  great  artery  of 
communication  to  the  West  and  the  Lakes.  Re- 
turning, he  wrote  from  Princeton,  October  12, 
1783,  to  Chevalier  de  Chastellux  concerning  his 
impressions,  as  follows :  "  I  could  not  help  taking 
a  more  extensive  view  of  the  vast  inland  naviga- 
tion of  these  United  States  and  could  not  but  be 
struck  by  the  immense  extent  and  importance  of 
it,  and  of  the  goodness  of  that  Providence  which 
has  dealt  its  favors  to  us  with  so  profuse  a  hand. 
Would  to  God  we  may  have  wisdom  enough  to 
improve  them.  I  shall  not  rest  contented  till  I 
have  explored  the  Western  country,  and  traversed 
those  lines,  or  great  part  of  them,  which  have 
given  bounds  to  a  new  empire."  The  following 
diary  is  the  record  of  this  tour  of  exploration. 

Now,  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  Washington 
advanced  the  idea  of  expansion  either  as  a  mere 
political  coup,  or  as  a  fancy  of  the  moment;  he 
knew  the  West,  and,  in  its  general  outline,  this 

7 


INTRODUCTION 

idea  had  been  present  with  him  for  many  years. 
There  are  few  untold  stories  of  more  human  in- 
terest than  this  one  of  Washington's  acquaintance 
with  the  Middle  West,  his  travels  there,  his  land 
speculations,  his  hopes  and  dreams  and  fears  of 
the  magnificent  forest-kingdom  that  in  his  day 
stretched  from  the  Alleghanies  to  the  Mississippi. 
He  knew  that  ''  empire,"  the  bounds  of  which  he 
wrote  de  Chastellux  he  wished  to  traverse ;  and  it 
is  only  because  his  services  as  commander  of  the 
American  army  and  as  first  President  of  the  Re- 
public were  so  notable  that  we  have  found  it  diffi- 
cult to  remember  he  was  one  of  the  earliest  of  dar- 
ing explorers  and  shrewd,  clear-headed  investors 
to  set  foot  on  the  soil  of  the  old  West.  For  a  be- 
ginning of  this  we  look  back  to  his  early  boyhood 
when  a  mother's  hand  turned  the  lad  from  the  sea 
into  the  moaning  forests  on  the  upper  Potomac. 
Had  the  parent's  wish  not  been  obeyed  the  West 
would  have  lost  a  mighty  champion;  as  it  was, 
Washington,  in  the  last  two  years  of  the  first  half 
of  his  century,  made  acquaintance  with  the  for- 
ests, the  mountains  and  the  rivers  on  the  flanks 
and  to  the  rear  of  the  Colonies.  The  tremendous 
silences  thrilled  the  young  heart ;  the  vastness  of 
the  wildernesses  made  him  sober  and  very 
thoughtful.  He  came  in  touch  with  the  great 
problem  of  that  forest-empire  at  an  impression- 
able age  and  it  became  a  life-problem  with  him. 

8 


INTRODUCTION 

He  studied  the  common  trivialities  of  the  border- 
land; the  perils  and  hardships  of  frontier  life;  the 
perplexing  disputes  as  to  tomahawk  and  squatter 
claims ;  the  hundred  woodland  arts  that  are  now 
more  than  lost;  the  Indian  claims  and  customs, 
and  their  conceptions  of  right  and  wrong;  the 
commercial  need,  and  ways  and  means :  all  these, 
and  more,  were  the  questions  this  tall  boy  was 
providentially  made  to  face  as  the  first  steps  in 
a  life  of  unparalleled  activity  and  sacrifice.  In 
1748,  as  noted,  he  was  surveying  on  the  upper 
Potomac;  in  1753  he  was  sent  to  the  French  forts 
near  Lake  Erie  as  envoy  extraordinary  from  the 
Governor  of  Virginia;  in  1754  he  commanded  the 
Virginia  Regiment  which  formally  opened  the 
Old  French  War  at  Fort  Necessity;  in  1755  he 
marched  with  Bulldog  Braddock  to  the  death-trap 
beside  the  Monongahela,  and  in  1758  he  led  the 
Virginia  vanguard  of  General  John  Forbes's 
army  to  the  capture  of  Fort  Duquesne.  Here 
Washington  learned  his  few  lessons  in  war — and 
it  is  prophetic  that  he  should  have  learned  them 
west  of  the  Alleghanies.  For,  no  sooner  was  the 
French  War  over,  than  the  young  Colonel,  now 
settled  at  Mount  Vernon,  turned  instantly  to  the 
West  as  a  richly  promising  field  for  commercial 
exploitation.  In  1763,  the  very  year  of  the  treaty 
with  France,  Washington  organized  the  Missis- 
sippi Company,  and  the  articles  of  association  in 

9 


INTRODUCTION 

his  own  handwriting,  signed  by  Francis  Light- 
foot  Lee,  John  Augustine  Washington,  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  Thomas  Bulhtt,  founder  of  Louis- 
ville, and  others,  including  himself,  repose  in  the 
Congressional  Library.  An  agent  was  sent  to 
London  to  secure  a  grant  of  Western  land,  but  met 
with  no  success,  owing  to  the  governmental  policy 
which  created  the  proclamation  of  1763  prohibit- 
ing Western  settlements.  With  a  keen  apprecia- 
tion of  the  inward  meaning  of  things,  Washing- 
ton saw  that  no  proclamation  could  hold  back  the 
flood  of  immigration ;  and  as  early  as  1767  he  was 
writing  his  old  comrade  of  surveying  tours  and 
mihtary  campaigns,  William  Crawford,  to  pick 
him  out  some  good  tracts  of  land  near  Pittsburgh. 
As  to  the  proclamation,  he  wrote  confidentially: 
"  I  can  never  look  upon  that  ...  in  any  other 
light  (but  I  say  this  between  ourselves)  than  as 
a  temporary  expedient  to  quiet  the  minds  of  the 
Indians.  .  .  .  Any  person,  therefore,  who  neg- 
lects the  present  opportunity  of  hunting  out  good 
lands,  and  in  some  measure  marking  and  distin- 
guishing them  for  his  own,  in  order  to  keep  others 
from  settling  them,  will  never  regain  it." 

Washington  already  had,  it  must  be  noted,  a 
claim  to  certain  tracts  of  land  in  the  West,  for  in 
1754  Governor  Dinwiddle  of  Virginia  offered 
bounty  lands  beyond  the  mountains  to  all  who 
would  volunteer  in  the  Fort  Necessity  Campaign ; 
Washington,  as  ultimate  commander  of  that  ex- 

10 


INTRODUCTION 

pedition,  became  possessed  of  the  lion's  share,  and 
he  had  shrewdly  added  to  his  holdings  by  pur- 
chasing other  claims  held  by  officers  and  soldiers 
under  him  who  preferred  ready  money  to  a  Colo- 
nial governor's  promise.  Washington  bought  the 
promises.  Thus,  at  one  time  and  another,  the 
proprietor  of  Mount  Vernon  invested  his  money 
heavily  in  the  West,  until,  at  the  close  of  the 
Revolution,  we  learn  from  a  letter  written  to 
President  John  Witherspoon  of  Princeton  Col- 
lege, he  had  "  patents  under  the  signature  of  Lord 
Dunmore  (Governor  of  Virginia)  .  .  .  for  about 
30,000  acres,  and  surveys  for  about  10,000  more, 
patents  for  which  were  suspended  by  the  disputes 
with  Great  Britain,  which  soon  followed  the  re- 
turn of  the  warrants  to  the  land  office.  Ten  thou- 
sand of  the  above  thirty  lie  upon  the  Ohio;  the 
rest  on  the  Great  Kanawha.  .  .  ."  In  a  "  Sched- 
ule of  Property"  accompanying  Washington's 
will  we  find  he  possessed  the  following  properties 
west  of  Mount  Vernon : 

IN  VIRGINIA 

Acres     Price  Total 

per  acre 

Loudoun  County,  Difficult  Run  300             $6,666 

Loudoun  and  Farquier,  Ashby's  Bent...  2,481  $10      24,810 

Chattin's    Run..  885      8        7,080 

Berkeley,  South  Fork  of  Bullskin 1,600 

Head  of  Evan's  M 453 

In  Wormeley's  Line 183 

2,236    20      44,720 

II 


INTRODUCTION 

Acres     Price  Total 

per  acre 

Frederick,  brought  from  Mercer 571  $20    $11,420 

Hampshire,  on  Potomac  River  above  B..  240     15         3,600 

Ohio  River,  Round  Bottom 587 

Little   Kanawha 2,341 

Sixteen  miles  lower  down 2,448 

Opposite  Big  Bent  4.395 

9,744     10      97440 
Great  Kanawha 

Near  the  mouth,  west 10,990 

East  side,  above 7,276 

Mouth  of  Cole  River 2,000 

Opposite  thereto   2,950 

Burning  Spring 125 

3,075 

200,000 
PENNSYLVANIA 
Great   Meadows 234      6        1,404 

NEW  YORK 
Mohawk  River  about    1,000      6        6,000 

NORTHWEST  TERRITORY 

On  Little  Miami   839 

Ditto    977 

Ditto    1,235 

3,051      5      15,255 

KENTUCKY 

Rough    Creek 3,000 

Ditto,  adjoining  2,000 

5,000      2      10,000 
Total acres  49,083  $428,395 

Thus   we   see   that   Washington's    estimated 
wealth  was  over  half  a  million,  and  more  than 

12 


INTRODUCTION 

four  hundred  thousand  lay  in  Western  lands ;  and 
it  is  probable  that  he  secured  nearly  all  of  this 
prior  to  1784.  Compared  to  some  alleged  private 
holdings,  such  as  claimed  by  Richard  Henderson 
and  George  Croghan,  this  was  a  small  quantity; 
but  it  explains  in  full  Washington's  knowledge  of 
the  Western  problem ;  it  makes  it  very  clear  that 
when  he  wrote  de  Chastellux,  "  Would  to  God  we 
may  have  wisdom  enough  to  improve  the  oppor- 
tunity," he  knew  full  well  the  meaning  of  his  ring- 
ing words. 

First  and  foremost,  his  study  of  the  scene  of 
these  investments  gave  Washington  a  glimpse 
into  the  future  that  no  man  of  his  day  had,  in 
which  he  saw  the  West  filled  with  a  great  popula- 
tion. Who,  indeed,  ever  uttered  a  clearer  proph- 
ecy than  Washington  when  he  said  that  the  West 
would  become  populated  faster  than  any  one  could 
believe  and  faster  than  any  other  similar  empire 
ever  had  ?  Washington  being  sure  as  to  this  car- 
dinal fact — upon  which  many  were  as  doubtful  as 
was  Webster  of  the  Oregon  country  half  a  cen- 
tury later — it  naturally  compelled  him  to  face  a 
whole  series  of  propositions  concerning  national 
prosperity  some  twenty-five  years  before  their 
time.  These  propositions  relating  to  the  awaken- 
ing of  the  West  may  be  divided  into  at  least  four : 
those  concerning  (i)  communications,  (2)  treat- 
ment of  the  Indian  inhabitants,  (3)  future  States 

13 


INTRODUCTION 

to  be  admitted  into  the  Union  and  (4)  public 
lands.  On  all  these  questions  Washington,  be- 
cause of  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  West, 
had  profound  conceptions  which  shaped  the  des- 
tiny of  America. 

His  attitude  toward  the  problem  of  communi- 
cations is  the  subject  of  the  following  diary ;  to  all 
intents  and  purposes,  as  wiU  be  seen,  Washington 
may  well  be  called  the  Father  of  the  Cumberland 
National  Road,  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal, 
and  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railway.  His  influ- 
ence in  the  question  of  Western  statehood  and  the 
public  lands  was  first  clearly  put  by  Professor 
Adams  as  follows:  "...  no  one  has  ever 
shown  how  the  first  steps  towards  the  organiza- 
tion of  our  public  domain  into  new  states  were 
also  suggested  by  George  Washington  and  not 
by  Thomas  Jefferson,  as  is  commonly  supposed. 
The  idea  of  parcelling  out  the  Western  country 
Snto  free,  convenient  and  independent  govern- 
ments' was  first  proclaimed  by  Maryland  in  those 
famous  instructions  to  her  delegate,  but  the  first 
definite  plan  for  the  formation  of  new  States  in 
the  West  is  to  be  found  in  a  letter  written  the 
seventh  of  September,  1783,  by  General  Washing- 
ton to  James  Duane,  member  of  Congress  from 
New  York.  .  .  .  The  practical  suggestions  of 
George  Washington  with  reference  to  adopting 
an  Indian  policy  and  some  definite  scheme  for 

14 


INTRODUCTION 

organizing  the  Western  territory,  were  adopted 
almost  word  for  word  in  a  series  of  resolutions  by 
Congress,  which  are  to  be  found  in  the  Secret 
Journals  of  that  body,  under  the  date  of  October 
15,  1783.  In  referring  to  the  regular  Journal  of 
Congress  for  the  above  date,  we  find  the  report  of 
a  committee  ...  to  which  .  .  .  sundry  let- 
ters and  papers  concerning  Indian  affairs  had 
been  referred.  The  committee  acknowledge  in 
their  report  that  they  have  conferred  with  the 
commander-in-chief.  When  now  we  recall  the 
fact  that  the  chairman  of  the  above  committee 
was  James  Duane,  the  very  man  to  whom  Wash- 
ington addressed  his  letter  of  the  seventh  of  Sep- 
tember, the  whole  matter  clears  up  and  George 
Washington  stands  revealed  as  the  moving  spirit 
in  the  first  active  measures  for  the  organization  of 
the  Public  Lands.  .  .  .  Washington's  plans  were 
what  the  Germans  would  call  '  hahnhrechend' 
His  suggestions  were  the  pioneer  thoughts  of 
genius ;  they  opened  up  the  ways  and  pointed  out 
the  means."  * 

Those  last  words  may  be  taken  more  literally 
than  the  writer  intended.  It  was  well  for  men  to 
spin  theories  concerning  the  West,  its  red-skinned 
inhabitants  and  the  vast  acreage  it  contained ;  but 

*  "  Maryland's  Influence  upon  Land  Cessions  to  the  United 
States,"  Studies  in  Historical  and  Political  Science ,  Third  Series 
(January,  1885),  41,  seq. 

15 


INTRODUCTION 

the  Alleghanies  were  not  to  be  argued  away. 
There  they  lay,  rough  and  lonely  ridges  of  laurel 
and  white  oak  and  pine,  an  almost  impassable  dis- 
trict averaging  nearly  a  hundred  miles  in  width, 
and,  in  length,  stretching  from  near  the  Niagara 
frontier  to  the  Great  Smoky  and  Cumberland 
ranges  in  the  South.  In  Europe  such  a  moun- 
tainous barrier  would  have  been  considered  a 
boundary  of  empire  raised  by  the  hand  of  Provi- 
dence ;  few  if  any  statesmen  abroad  ever  thought 
to  see  a  single  State  beyond  that  dark  boundary- 
line  join  the  united  States  to  the  eastward  of  it. 
And  so,  while  it  were  well  to  plan  the  westward 
States,  devise  methods  for  reconciling  the  Indian 
to  the  advent  of  civilization,  and  propose  ways  of 
handling  a  vast  public  domain,  the  immediately 
vital  question  was  first  to  bind  the  West  and  East 
by  highways  of  communication ;  this  would  make 
immigration  possible  and  would  then  weld  the  old 
settlements  with  the  new  by  that  strongest  social 
bond,  commerce.  If  St.  Louis  and  New  Orleans 
on  the  west,  or  Detroit  and  Montreal  on  the 
north,  were  to  become  the  avenues  of  trade  and 
prosperity  (while  held  by  foreign  powers),  there 
was  great  reason  to  think  the  Alleghanies  would 
become  the  Alps  of  America,  sheltering  among 
their  ranges  a  number  of  small  kingdoms,  like 
those  Bishop  Berkeley  sang,  which  should  block 
the  over-reaching  ambitions  of  the  greater  States 

i6 


INTRODUCTION 

that  might  surround  them.  If,  on  the  other  hand, 
Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  Alexandria  and  New 
York  could  secure  the  growing  trade  of  the  trans- 
Alleghany  country,  a  real  union,  as  logical  as  it 
was  secure,  would  be  established. 

Thus  it  was  to  the  "  doors,"  one  may  say,  in  the 
Alleghanies  that  Washington  was  looking  with 
anxious  eyes  at  the  close  of  the  Revolution.  We 
have  seen  that  he  had  visited  one  historic  passage- 
way westward,  the  Mohawk  route,  and  it  is  in- 
teresting to  remember  that  he  was  "the  first  to 
predict  the  commercial  success  of  that  route  .  .  . 
which  was  afterwards  taken  by  the  Erie  Canal 
and  New  York  Central  Railroad."  This  route, 
which  dodged  around  the  northern  slopes  of  the 
Alleghanies,  was  the  easiest  of  all  routes  from  the 
seaboard  to  the  Middle  West.  South  of  it  the 
mountains  lay  like  a  castle  wall,  as  James  Lane 
Allen  has  so  effectively  pictured  them.  "The 
thin,  half-starved,  weary  line  of  pioneer  civiliz- 
ers,"  he  writes,  "  had  to  .  .  .  climb  this  obstruct- 
ing mountain  wall,  as  a  line  of  traveling  ants 
might  climb  the  wall  of  a  castle.  .  .  .  The  feeblest 
of  the  ants  could  not  climb  the  wall ;  the  idlest  of 
them  would  not.  Observe,  too,  that  once  on  the 
other  side,  it  was  as  hard  to  get  back  as  it  had 
been  to  get  over."  *  The  "  doors  "  of  this  wall 
were  few  and  far  between ;  but  the  buffalo  and  In- 

*  The  Blue  Grass  Region  of  Kentucky,  252. 
17 


INTRODUCTION 

dian  had  found  them  out,  one  at  the  head  of  the 
Juniata  tributary  of  the  Susquehanna  River  in 
Pennsylvania  (now  the  route  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Railway),  one  at  the  head  of  the  Potomac 
(the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railway  route  in  Mary- 
land), one  at  the  head  of  James  River  in  Virginia 
(the  route  of  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Railway) 
and,  lastly,  one  near  the  heads  of  the  Tennessee  — 
the  "  high-swung  gateway  "  through  Cumberland 
Gap  to  Kentucky.  These  routes,  ascending  the 
Susquehanna,  Potomac  and  James  rivers  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  castle  wall,  vaulted  the  sum- 
mit, or  ancient  portage,  and  descended  the  Cone- 
maugh,  Youghiogheny  and  Great  Kanawha  riv- 
ers on  the  western  side. 

In  the  contemplation  of  a  commercial  union  of 
the  East  and  West  Washington's  eyes  ran  quickly 
to  these  gleaming  waterways;  the  commerce  of 
the  Colonies  had  been  largely  carried  in  the  bot- 
toms of  the  sloops  and  brigs  of  the  coastwise 
trade  which  ascended  the  seaboard  rivers  as  far 
as  these  were  navigable.  It  can  be  said  with  a 
large  degree  of  truth  that  there  was  little  com- 
merce outside  the  zone  reached  by  these  vessels ; 
the  era  of  road  building  had  not  dawned,  and  the 
era  of  canals  was  half  a  century  away.  It  seemed 
natural,  therefore,  that,  to  increase  the  commerce 
of  the  country,  it  was  necessary  only  to  increase 
the  length  of  the  navigation  of  the  rivers;  and, 

i8 


INTRODUCTION 

carrying  out  this  reasoning,  in  order  to  establish 
a  commercial  union  with  the  West,  it  was  only 
necessary  to  improve  the  navigation  of  the  rivers 
which  led  up  to  these  gateways  in  the  mountain- 
barriers,  by  means  of  locks,  wing-dams,  sluices, 
etc.  The  summit  portage  could  in  some  instances 
be  conquered  by  a  canal ;  where  this  was  not  feasi- 
ble a  portage-road  could  be  built.  True,  notes  of 
alarm  had  been  sounded  as  to  the  danger  of  press- 
ing too  far  the  theory  of  the  canalization  of 
rivers;  Franklin  in  1772  wrote  from  England 
cautioning  American  promoters  on  this  point ;  * 
and  had  not  a  stately  Spanish  Council  warned  the 
engineering  world,  wath  regard  to  unnavigable 
rivers,  that  "...  if  it  had  pleased  God  that 
these  rivers  should  have  been  navigable,  he  would 
not  have  wanted  human  assistance  to  have  made 
them  such.  .  .  "  ?f 

But  Washington's  idea  was  right,  Franklin  and 
the  Spanish  Council  to  the  contrary  notwithstand- 
ing; though  it  was  not  until  our  day  that  science 
permitted  a  great  canal  (the  new  Erie  1000-Ton 
Barge  Canal)  to  be  planned,  in  a  large  degree,  by 
the  canalization  of  rivers.  As  early  as  the  date 
of  Washington's  first  Western  journey  in  1753  he 
paid  attention  to  the  navigation  of  the  upper  Po- 
tomac and  left  a  manuscript  of  notes  on  the  sub- 

*A.  B,  Hulbert,  Historic  Highways  of  America,  XIII,  25. 
t  Id.,  XIII,  18. 

19 


INTRODUCTION 

ject.*  In  1759,  when  a  member  of  the  Virginia 
House  of  Burgesses,  he  brought  privately  to  the 
members  of  the  Assembly  a  plan  for  improving 
the  Potomac  and  connecting  it  with  the  Ohio.  In 
1770  he  was  corresponding  with  Thomas  John- 
son, later  Governor  of  Maryland,  concerning  the 
improvement  of  the  Potomac,  "as  a  means  of 
becoming  the  Channel  of  conveyance  of  the  exten- 
sive and  valuable  trade  of  a  rising  empire."^ 
Finally,  in  1774,  a  bill  was  brought  before  the  As- 
semblies of  both  Virginia  and  Maryland  looking 
toward  the  improvement  of  the  Potomac.  Then 
the  Revolution  was  precipitated,  and  all  private 
concerns  dropped  out  of  sight  in  the  years  of  pub- 
lic danger.  But  for  this  Virginia  and  Maryland 
would  have  entered  upon  a  work  of  internal  im- 
provement the  like  of  which  had  not  been  seen  on 
this  continent.  In  all  the  plans  making  for  this 
end  Washington  had  been  the  leader,  in  word  and 
in  deed ;  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  it  was  his  very 
associate  in  this  early  internal  improvement  cam- 
paign, Johnson,  who,  as  delegate  to  Congress, 
nominated  Washington  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  Continental  Army. 

And  now,  returning  home  at  the  end  of  the  war, 
the  old  plan  reoccurs  to  Washington  with  an 

*  Stewart,  Andrew,  "  Report  on  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal  in 
1826,"  Reports  of  Committees  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
First  Session,  Nineteenth  Congress,  Report  No.  228. 

t  Id.,  27-29. 

20 


INTRODUCTION 

overwhelming  force ;  if  there  were  ten  reasons  for 
it  before  Independence  was  achieved,  there  were  a 
hundred  now.  It  was  with  this  feehng  uppermost 
in  his  mind  that  he  had  made  the  Mohawk  tour 
from  Newburgh.  Possibly  he  had  heard  of  the 
vision  seen  by  the  brilliant  Morris,  who,  in  1777, 
pointed  out  to  his  fellow-officers  the  possibility  of 
joining  the  Great  Lakes  by  a  waterway  with  the 
Hudson;  and  as  Washington  watched  the  Mo- 
hawk he  was  thinking,  no  doubt,  of  his  own  river, 
the  Potomac.  In  the  face  of  all  this  it  is  not 
strange,  then,  that  early  in  the  new  year  of  peace, 
1784,  he  should  have  planned  a  similar  tour  up 
the  Potomac  with  the  intention  of  making  a  simi- 
lar examination  of  the  possible  connections  that 
might  be  made  with  it  and  the  Ohio  and  Great 
Lakes  beyond. 

By  midsummer  the  plans  for  the  Western  trip 
were  formulated,  and  promptly  on  schedule  time, 
September  i,  Washington  departed  from  Mount 
Vernon.  He  now  began  his  diary  of  September  i 
—  October  4,  1784.  In  that  time  he  traversed,  by 
his  count,  680  miles,  though  eleven  days  saw  no 
progress.  To  correspondents  and  friends  he 
wrote  that  he  was  going  on  a  private  mission  to 
see  his  lands  and  overseers ;  thus  he  wrote  to  his 
old  friend  Dr.  Craik,  "  I  am  not  going  to  explore 
the  country,  nor  am  I  in  search  of  fresh  lands  " ; 
but,  in  connection  with  the  former  statement, 

21 


INTRODUCTION 

Professor  Adams  well  says:  "Washington  was 
not  quite  just  toward  his  own  motives,  as  events 
show."  In  fact,  he  had  not  been  gone  three  days 
before  he  wrote  in  the  diary  that  "  one  object "  of 
his  journey  was  "to  obtain  information  of  the 
nearest  and  best  communication  between  the 
Eastern  and  Western  Waters ;  and  to  facilitate  as 
much  as  in  me  lay  the  Inland  Navigation  of  the 
Potomack." 

This  diary  was  kept  in  a  little  oblong  note-book, 
and  finely  written  in  ink.  It  now  reposes  in  the 
manuscript  department  of  the  Library  of  Con- 
gress. The  following  version  has  been  carefully 
compared  and  corrected  with  the  original.  The 
references  by  number  are  to  the  commentary 
which  follows  the  diary  and  which  gives  title  to 
this  volume.  In  the  commentary  the  numbers 
will  be  found  to  run  consecutively,  which  is  for- 
bidden in  the  diary  because  of  the  repetitions. 

On  the  margin  of  each  page  of  the  commentary 
will  be  found  the  inclusive  number  of  notes  con- 
tained thereon. 

With  the  exception  of  a  number  of  entries  con- 
cerning a  dispute  with  squatters  on  his  Pennsyl- 
vania lands  (which  led  to  Washington's  becom- 
ing the  successful  plaintiff  in  an  ejectment  suit), 
the  diary  is  a  study  of  the  possible  course  of  a 
great  transportation  route  from  the  Potomac  to 
Lake  Erie;  and  when  studied  in  the  light  of  his 

22 


INTRODUCTION 

entire  relation  to  the  Western  problem  even  the 
details  of  the  record  become  of  interest.  At  the 
conclusion  Washington  sums  up  the  whole  prob- 
lem of  joining  the  Potomac  tide-water  with  the 
Great  Lakes,  and  emphasizes  its  commercial  and 
political  importance. 

Again,  this  diary  gives  us  a  picture  of  the  ex- 
periences and  vicissitudes  of  pioneer  traveling 
^icross  the  Alleghanies  that  is  perhaps  unequaled 
by  any  other  record  of  equal  antiquity  and  relia- 
bility and  length. 

In  several  instances  points  mentioned  in  the 
diary  are  not  located  in  the  subsequent  commen- 
tary because  a  glance  at  the  accompanying  maps 
will  readily  give  the  location  much  better  than 
words  could  do. 

To  C.  W.  Butterfield's  The  IVashington-Crazv- 
ford  Letters  and  especially  to  the  late  Professor 
H.  B.  Adams's  articles  on  "  Washington's  interest 
in  Western  Lands,"  etc.,  in  the  Johns  Hopkins 
University  Studies  (Third  Series),  the  author  is 
indebted,  as  numerous  footnotes  will  abundantly 
prove;  for  further  aid  he  owes  thanks  to  James 
Hadden  of  Uniontown,  Pa.,  Hon.  Boyd  Crumrine 
of  Washington,  Pa.,  Edward  H.  Sincell  of  Oak- 
land, Md.,  W.  H.  McGibbon  of  Bruceton,  W.  Va., 
and  Alexander  C.  Mason  of  Oakland,  Md. 

But  for  his  greatest  pleasure  the  author  is  in- 
debted to  a  score  of  lowly  mountaineers,  who  will 

23 


INTRODUCTION 

never  see  or  hear  of  this  book,  but  who  looked 
with  wondering,  dehghted  eyes  upon  the  wayfar- 
ing editor's  copy  of  Washington's  diary,  and  hs- 
tened,  as  though  nothing  else  they  had  ever  heard 
was  worth  remembering,  to  passages  in  it  that 
referred  to  the  localities  in  which  they  lived  and 
which  the  outer  world  has  forgotten.  For,  while 
the  bright  Cheat  River  is  known  to  anglers  and 
lumbermen,  it  has  not,  somehow,  become  the 
mighty  channel  of  commerce  that  Washington 
pictured  it ;  yet  this  picture  of  his  is  precious  be- 
cause it  shows  the  enterprising  heart  of  the  man 
who  first  saw  the  light  of  a  new  and  better  day, 
and  because  in  its  essentials  it  all  became  wonder- 
fully true  when  at  last  the  West  awoke. 

A.  B.  H. 

Marietta  College, 
Marietta,  Ohio, 
July  13,  1905. 


24 


Washington' s  Diary  of 
September  Mdcc\ 


"Ixxxiv 


IVashingtoii s  Diary  of 
September  Mdcci 


t  JSt  */\  ^t  *>  1/ 


[Mount  Vernon^  September  1784} 

HAving  found  it  indispensably  nec- 
essary to  visit  my  Landed  property 
West  of  the  Apalacheon  Moun- 
.  tains/  and  more  especially  that 
part  of  it  which  I  held  in  Co-partnership  with 
Mf  Gilbert  Simpson.^ — Having  determined 
upon  a  tour  into  that  Country, — and  having 
made  the  necessary  preparations  for  it, —  I  did, 
on  the  first  day  of  this  Month  (September)  set 
out  on  my  journey 

Having  dispatched  my  equipage  about  9 
O'clock  A.M  :  consisting  of  3  Servants  &  6 
horses,  three  of  which  carried  my  Baggage,  I 
set  out  myself  in  company  with  Docter  James 
Craik;^  and  after  dining  at  M'  Sampson  Tram- 

27  mells 


Washington  s  Diary  [^j^ 

mells^  (ab!  2  Miles  above  the  Falls  Church) 
we  proceeded  to  Difficulty  Bridge/  and  lodged 
at  one  Shepherds  Tavern''  25  Miles 

Sep.  2. 
C  About  5  O'clock  we  set  out  from  Shep- 
herds ;  and  leaving  the  Baggage  to  follow 
slowly  on,  we  arrived  about  1 1  O'clock  our- 
selves at  Leesburgh/  where  we  Dined — The 
Baggage  having  joined  we  proceeded  to  M! 
Israel  Thompsons^  &  lodged  mak?  ab!  36  M. 

3' 

C  Having  business  to  transact  with  my  Ten- 
ants in  Berkeley;  &  others  who  were  directed 
to  meet  me  at  my  Brother's  (Col°  Charles 
Washington's)/"  I  left  Doctf  Craik  and  the  Bag- 
gage to  follow  slowly,  and  set  out  myself  about 
Sun  Rise  for  that  place — where  after  Break- 
fasting at  Keys,  ferry  ^^  I  arrived  about  1 1 
O'clock. — distant  ab!  17  Miles. — 

Col°  Warner  Washington,^^  MfWormeley, 
Gen.l  Morgan,^^  Mf  Trickett  and  many  other 
Gentlemen  came  here  to  see  me. —  &  one  ob- 
ject^* of  my  journey  being  to  obtain  informa- 

28  tion 


^^^]  September  Mdc&.^'.'f'}'^ 

tion  of  the  nearest  and  best  communication 
between  the  Eastern  &  Western  Waters ;  & 
to  facilitate  as  much  as  in  me  lay  the  Inland 
Navigation  of  the  Potomack  ;  I  conversed  a 
good  deal  with  Gen!  Morgan  on  this  subject, 
who  said,  a  plan  was  in  contemplation  to  ex- 
tend a  Road  from  Winchester  to  the  Western 
Waters,  to  avoid  if  possible  an  interference 
with  any  other  State.^^ — but  I  could  not  dis- 
cover that  Either  himself,  or  others,  were  able 
to  point  it  out  with  precision. —  He  seemed  to 
have  no  doubt  but  that  the  Counties  of  Fred- 
eric, Berkeley  &  Hampshire  would  contribute 
freely  towards  the  extension  of  the  Navigation 
of  Potomack ;  as  well  as  towards  opening  a 
Road  from  East  to  West. 

Ah 

4- 

C  Having  finished  my  business  with  my  Ten- 
ants (so  far  at  least  as  partial  payments  could 
put  a  close  to  it) — and  provided  a  Waggon  for 
the  transportation  of  my  Baggage  to  the  Warm 
springs  (or  Town  of  Bath)  to  give  relief  to  my 
Horses,  which  from  the  extreme  heat  of  the 
Weather  began  to  Rub  &  gaul,  I  set  out  after 

29  after 


th 


Washington  s  Diary  [^^ 

dinner,  and  reached  Capt?  Stroads^^  a  Substan- 
tial farmers  betw!"  Opecken  Creek  &  Martins- 
burg — distant  by  estimation  14  Miles  from  my 
Brothers. — 

Finding  the  Capt"  an  intelligent  Man,  and 
one  who  had  been  several  times  in  the  Western 
Country — tho'  not  much  on  the  communica- 
tion between  the  North  Branch  of  Potomack, 
&  the  Waters  of  Monongahela — I  held  much 
conversation  with  him — the  result  of  which  so 
far  as  it  respected  the  object  I  had  in  view,  was, 
— that  there  are  two  Glades  ^^  which  go  under 
the  denomination  of  the  Great  glades — one,  on 
the  Waters  of  Yohiogany,  the  other  on  those  of 
Cheat  River;  &  distinguished  by  the  name  of 
the  Sandy  Creek  Glades. —  that  the  Road  to  the 
first  goes  by  the  head  of  Pattersons  Creek — that 
from  theacc^f  he  has  had  of  it,  it  is  rough; — the 
distance  he  knows  not. — That  there  is  a  way 
to  the  Sandy  Creek  Glades  from  the  great 
crossing  of  Yohiogany  (or  Braddocks  Road)  & 
a  very  good  one;  but  how  far  the  Waters  of 
Potomack  above  Fort  Cumberland,  &  the  Cheat 
River  from  its  Mouth  are  Navigable,  he  pro- 
fesses not  to  know — and  equally  ignorant  is  he 
of  the  distance  between  them. — 

30 


/j!^'^  September  Mdcd^^^!'" 

He  says  that  old  Capt"  Tho^  Snearenger^^ 
has  informed  him,  that  the  Navigable  Water  of 
the  little  Kanhawa  comes  within  a  small  dis- 
tance of  the  Navigable  Waters  of  the  Monon- 
gahela,&  that  a  good  Road,  along  a  Ridge,  may- 
be had  between  the  two. — &  a  young  Man  who 
we  found  at  his  House  just  (the  evening  before) 
from  Kentucke  told  us,  that  he  left  the  Ohio 
River  at  Wheeling  (Col?  David  Shepperds,''"*  & 
in  about  40  Miles  came  to  Red  Stone  old  Fort  on 
the  Monongahela,  50  Miles  from  its  Mouth. — 

Capt?  Stroudes  rout^^  to  the  Westward  hav- 
ing been  for  the  most  part  by  the  way  of  New' 
River  and  the  Hd'sten  [Holston]  through  (what 
is  called)  the  Wilderness,  to  Kentucke,  —  he 
adds  that  when  he  went  out  last  fall  he  passed 
through  Staunton,  by  the  Augusta  Springs,  the 
Sweet  springs,  &cf  to  the  New  River;  on  which 
he  fell  about  i  o  miles  as  he  was  told  above  the 
Fall  in  that  River,  that  falls  are  about  70  Miles 
from  the  Mouth,  that  a  Vessel  could  not  pass 
them  tho'  the  perpendicular  fall  did  not  exceed 
Six  feet. — 

The  distance  from  Staunton  to  the  Springs, 
according  to  his  ace*  is  45  Miles;  —  between  the 
Springs  28  Miles;  and  from  the  Sweet  springs 

3 1  springs 


Washington  s  Diary  \6^^^. 

to  the  New  River,  30. —  in  all,  103  from  Staun- 
ton to  the  New  River :  from  this  part  of  the 
New  River  to  the  place  called  Chissels  Mines, 
is  passable  for  Canoes  &  Batteaux  with  little 
difficulty;  &  from  thence  to  the  Roanoke  where 
it  is  as  large  as  the  Opeckon  near  his  house  is 
only  1 2  Miles  &  a  tolerably  level  country. — 

C  Dispatche.d  my  Waggon  (with  the  Baggage) 
at  day  light;  and  at  7  O'clock  followed  it. — 
bated  at  one  Snodgrasses,  on  Back  Creek  ^^ — and 
dined  there;  about  5  O  clock  P.M.  we  arrived 
at  the  Springs, — or  Town  of  Bath^^ — after  trav- 
elling the  whole  day  through  a  drizling  Rain,  30 
Miles 

C  Remained  at  Bath  all  day.  and  was  showed 
the  Model  of  a  Boat  constructed  by  the  ingeni- 
ous Mf  Rumsey,^^  for  ascending  rapid  currents 
by  mechanism;  the  principles  of  this  were  not 
only  shown,  &  fully  explained  to  me,  but  to  my 
very  great  satisfaction,  exhibited  in  practice  in 
private  under  the  injunction  of  Secresy,  untill 
he  saw  the  effect  of  an  application  he  was  about 

3  2  about 


MAP    OF   WASHINGTON'S    WESTERN   TOUR,  SEPTEMBER, 


1  the  Cheat  River,  was  the  portage  urged  by  ^ 
'est  Fork  of  the  Monongahcla  and  Little  Kai 
ivage  Kiver  and  the  North  Fork  of  Deep  Creek  sugs 
,)  route  for  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal  between  Will 


„^ ,.       „ all-Virginia  route  to  the  Ohio  River ;   (3)  the  path  between  Crab  Tree  Fork  of 

;esled  by  United  States  Associate  Civil  Engineer  Schriver  in  1826  for  the  route  of  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal: 
5  Creek  and  Caslleman's  River  decided  upon  in  1825  by  United  States  engineers  under  General  Bernard,  1824-26. 


d^^]  September  Mdcd''.':'^'''. 

to  Make  to  the  Assembly  of  this  State,  for  a  re- 
ward.— 

The  Model,  &  its  operation  upon  the 
water,  which  had  been  made  to  run  pretty- 
swift,  not  only  convinced  me  of  what  I  before 
thought  next  to,  if  not  quite  impracticable, 
but  that  it  might  be  to  the  greatest  possible 
utility  in  inland  Navigation ;  and  in  rapid 
currents ;  that  are  shallow. — and  what  adds 
vastly  to  the  value  of  the  discovery,  is  the 
simplicity  of  its  works  ;  as  they  may  be  made 
by  a  common  boat  builder  or  carpenter,  and 
kept  in  order  as  easy  as  a  plow,  or  any  com- 
mon impliment  of  husbandry   on  a  farm. — 

Having  obtained  a  Plan  of  this  Town 
(Bath)  and  ascertained  the  situation  of  my 
lots  therein,  which  I  examined ;  it  appears 
that  the  disposition  of  a  dwelling  House, 
Kitchen  &  Stable  cannot  be  more  advantage- 
ously placed  than  they  are  marked  in  the  copy 
I  have  taken  from  the  plan  of  the  Town ;  to 
which  I  refer  for  recollection,  of  my  design ; 
&  My  Rumsey  being  willing  to  undertake 
those  Buildings,^^  I  have  agreed  with  him  to 
have  them  finished  by  the  lo-  of  next  July. — 

'  33  J^iy-— 


Washington  s  Diary  \6^^\ 

The  dwelling  House  is  to  be  36  feet  by  24, 
with  a  gallery  of  7  feet  on  each  side  of  the 
House,  the  whole  fronts. — under  the  House  is 
to  be  a  Cellar  half  the  size  of  it,  walled  with 
Stone,  and  the  whole  underpined. — on  the  first 
floor  are  to  be  3  rooms;  one  of  them  24  by  20 
feet,  with  a  chimney  at  the  end  (middle  thereof) 
— the  other  two  to  be  1 2  by  1 6  feet  with  corner 
chimneys. —  on  the  upper  Floor  there  are  to  be 
two  Rooms  of  equal  sizes,  with  fire  places ;  the 
Stair  case  to  go  up  in  the  Gallery. — galleries 
above  also. — The  Kitchen  and  Stable  are  to  be 
of  the  same  size — 18  by  22;  the  first  with  a 
stone  Chimney  and  good  floor  above. —  the 
Stable  is  to  be  sunk  in  the  ground  so  as  that  the 
floor  above  it  on  the  North,  or  side  next  the 
dwelling  House,  shall  be  level  with  the  Yard. 
— to  have  a  partition  therein — the  West  part 
of  which  to  be  for  a  Carriage,  Harness,  and 
Saddles. —  the  East  for  Hay  or  Grain. —  all 
three  of  the  Houses  to  be  shingled  with  [blank] 
Meeting  with  the  Rev^  M!"  Balmain  at  this 
place,  he  says  the  distance  from  Staunton  to 
the  Sweet  Springs  is  g^  Miles;  that  is,  50  to 
what  are  commonly  called  the  Augusta  Springs 

34  Springs 


6^.^']  September  M/^c!^^^:^^ 

&  45  afterwards — this  differs  widely  from 
Capt?  Strodes  Ace!,  and  both  say  they  have  trav- 
elled the  Road. — 

From  Col°  Bruce^^  whom  I  also  found  at 
this  place,  I  was  informed  that  he  had  travelled 
from  the  North  Branch  of  Potomack  to  the 
Waters  of  Yaughiogany,  and  Monongahela — 
that  the  Potom"^  where  it  may  be  made  Navi- 
gable— for  instance  where  M^Culloughs  path^^ 
crosses  it,  40  Miles  above^^  the  old  fort  (Cum- 
berland), is  but  about  6  Miles  to  a  pretty  large 
branch  of  the  Yohiogany,  but  how  far  it  is  prac- 
ticable to  make  the  latter  navigable  he  knows 
not,  never  having  explored  it  any  length  down- 
wards.—  that  the  Waters  of  Sandy  Creek,  which 
is  a  branch  of  cheat  River,  which  is  a  branch 
of  Monongahela,  interlocks  with  these;  and 
the  Country  between,  flat — that  he  thinks  (in 
order  to  ev"?  passing  through  the  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania) this  would  be  an  eligible  Road  using 
the  I  o  Miles  C^  with  a  portage  to  the  Naviga- 
ble Waters  of  the  little  Kanhawa ;  which  from 
report  he  says,  are  only  10  Miles  apart — he 
adds  that  the  distance  from  the  North  branch 
to  Cheat  Rivf  is  great — and  from  the  South 

35  South 


Washington  s  Diary  [d^^ 

branch  greater;  but  it  is  to  be  observed  that 
most  of  this  information  is  from  Report — 
vague — and  not  much  to  be  depended  upon; 
I  therefore  endeavoured  to  prevail  upon  Col? 
Bruce  to  explore  the  Country  from  the  North 
Branch  of  Potomack  at  M*"  Culloughs  path,  or 
the  highest  practicable  Navigation  on  it,  to  the 
Nearest  Waters  of  Yohiogany — thence  to  Sandy 
Creek,  &  down  that  to  its  junction  with  the 
Cheat  River — laying  the  whole  down  byactual 
surveys,  &  exact  measurement;  which  he  has 
promised  to  do,  if  he  can  accomplish  it. — on 
my  part  I  have  engaged,  if  a  Surveyor  can  be 
obtained,  to  run  the  Water  of  the  little  Kan- 
hawa  from  the  Mouth  to  the  highest  Naviga- 
tion— thence  across  to  the  ten  miles  Creek  on 
the  Monongahela,  &  up  that  to  the  M°  of 
Sandy  Creek,  in  order  to  connect  the  two  Forks 
together,  &  form  a  proper  plan  with  obser- 
vations.— and  even  to  continue  up  the  Cheat 
River  further,  to  see  if  a  better  communication 
cannot  be  had  with  the  Potomac  than  by  the 
Sandy  Creek. — 

Having  hired  three  Pack  horses  —  to  give 
my  own  own  greater  relief —  I  sent  my  Bag- 

36  Bag- 


c?^^]  September  Mdcd'^.'f^''". 

gage  of  this  day  about  one  Oclock,  and  ordered 
those  who  had  charge  of  it,  to  proceed  to  one 
Headricks  at  15  Miles  Creek. — 

C  Set  out  about  7  Oclock  with  the  Doctf 
(Craik)  his  Son  William/®  and  my  Nephew 
Bushrod  Washington/^  who  were  to  make  the 
tour  with  us. —  about  ten  I  parted  with  them 
at  1 5  Miles  Creek/^  &  recrossed  the  Potomack 
(having  passed  it  ab!  3  Miles  from  the  Springs 
before)  to  a  tract  of  mine  on  the  Virginia  Side 
which  I  find  exceedingly  Rich,  &  must  be  very 
valuable. — the  lower  end  of  the  Land  is  rich 
white  oak  in  places^^springey ;  and  in  the  winter 
wet. — the  upper  part  is  exceedingly  rich,  and 
covered  with  Walnut  of  considerable  size  many 
of  them. — Note — I  requested  a  My  M?Craker 
at  whose  House  I  fed  my  horses,  &  got  a  snack, 
&  whose  land  joins  mine — to  offer  mine  to 
any  who  might  apply  for  £\o  the  first  year, 
^15  the  next,  &  £z^  the  third — the  Tenant 
not  to  remove  any  of  the  Walnut  timber  from 
off  the  Land;  or  to  split  it  into  Rails;  as  I 
should  reserve  that  for  my  own  use. — 

37 


Washington  s  Diary  \q^^] 

After  having  reviewed  this  Land  I  again 
crossed  the  River  &  getting  into  the  Waggon 
Road  pursued  my  journey  to  the  old  Town^" 
where  I  overtook  my  Company  &  baggage — 
lodged  at  Col?  Cresaps'' — ab!  35  Miles  this 
day 

C  Having  discharged  the  hired  Horses  which 
were  obtained  at  the  springs  &  hired  one  more 
only  to  supply  the  place  of  one  of  mine,  whose 
back  was  much  hurt,  we  had  them  loaded  by 
Six  oclock,  and  was  about  to  set  out  when  it 
began  to  Rain  ;  which  looking  very  likely  to 
continue  thro  the  day,  I  had  the  Loads  taken 
of  to  await  the  issue. — 

at  this  place  I  met  with  a  Man  who  lives 
at  the  Mouth  of  ten  Miles  Creek  on  Monon- 
gahela,  who  assured  me,  that  this  Creek  is  not 
Navigable  for  any  kind  of  Craft  a  Mile  from 
its  Mouth  ;^^  unless  the  Water  of  it  is  swelled 
by  Rain ;  at  which  time  he  has  known  Bat- 
teaux  brought  10  or  12  Miles  down  it. —  He 
knows  little  of  the  Country  betw"  that  and  the 

38  the 


/C>^^]         September  Mdcd':'^''^^: 

little  Kanahawa  —  &  not  more  of  that  above 
him,  on  the  Monongahela. — 

The  day  proving  rainy  we  remained  here. — 

id' 
CSet  off  a  little  after  5  Oclock  altho'  the 
morning  was  very  unpromising. — finding  from 
the  Rains  that  had  fallen,  and  description  of 
the  Roads,  part  of  which  between  the  old 
Town  &  this  place  (old  Fort  Cumberland)^* 
we  had  passed,  that  the  progress  of  my  Baggage 
would  be  tedeous,  I  resolved  (it  being  neces- 
sary) to  leave  it  to  follow ;  and  proceed  on  my- 
self to  Gilbert  Simpson's,  to  prepare  for  the  Sale 
which  I  had  advertized  of  my  moiety  of  the 
property  in  co-partnership  with  him — and  to 
make  arrangements  for  my  trip  to  the  Kan- 
hawa,  if  the  temper  and  disposition  of  the  In- 
dians should  render  it  advisable  to  proceed. — 
Accordingly,  leaving  DoctT  Craik,  his  Son,  and 
My  Nephew  with  it,  I  set  out  with  one  Ser- 
vant only — dined  at  M";  Gwins**  at  the  Fork 
of  the  Roads  leading  to  Winchester  and  the 
old  Town,  distant  from  the  latter  ab^  20  Miles 

39  Miles 


Washington  s  Diary         \_I  l*!^. 

&  lodged  at  Tumbersons''  at  the  little  Mead- 
ows 1 5  Miles  further  — 

The  Road  from  the  Old  Town  to  Fort 
Cumberland  we  found  tolerably  good,  as  it 
also  was  from  the  latter  to  Gwins,  except  the 
Mountain  which  was  pretty  long  (tho'  not 
steep)  in  the  assent  and  discent :  but  from 
Gwins  to  Tumberson's  it  is  intolerably  bad — 
there  being  many  steep  pinches  of  the  Moun- 
tain— deep  &  Miry  places — and  very  Stony 
ground  to  pass  over. — after  leaving  the  Waters 
of  Wills  Creek  which  extends  up  the  Moun- 
tain (Alligany)  two  or  three  Miles  as  the  Road 
goes,  we  fell  next  on  those  of  George's  Creek 
which  are  small  —  after  them,  upon  Savage 
River  which  are  considerable :  tho'  from  the 
present  appearance  of  them,  does  not  seem 
capable  of  Navigation. — 

C  Set  out  at  half  after  5  oclock  from  Tumber- 
sons,  &  in  about  i  ^  Miles  came  to  what  is 
called  the  little  crossing  of  the  Yohiogany^^ — 
the  road  not  bad — this  is  a  pretty  considerable 
water  and,  as  it  is  said  to  have  no  fall  in  it,  may, 

40  may. 


I2*^^^         September  M/<:c^^^:^^ 

I  conceive,  be  improved  into  a  valuable  naviga- 
tion; and  from  every  ace!  I  have  yet  been  able 
to  obtain,  communicates  nearest  with  the  N° 
Branch  of  Potomack  of  any  other. — Breakfasted 
at  one  Mounts  or  Mountains,"  1 1  Miles  from 
Tumberson's;  the  Road  being  exceedingly  bad, 
especially  through  what  is  called  the  Shades  of 
death.^^ — Bated  at  the  great  crossing,^^  which  is 
a  large  Water,  distant  from  Mounts!  9  Miles, 
and  a  better  Road  than  between  that  and  Tum- 
bersons — Lodged  at  one  Daughertys*''  a  Mile 
&  half  short  of  the  Great  Meadows — a  toler- 
able good  House — the  road  between  the  Cross- 
ing and  Daughertys  is  in  places,  tolerable  good, 
but  upon  the  whole  indifferent: — distant  from 
the  crossing  1 2  Miles. — 

C  Left  Daughertys  about  6  Oclock, — stopped 
awhile  at  the  Great  Meadows*^  and  viewed  a 
tenament  I  have  there,*^  which  appears  to  have 
been  but  little  improved,  tho  capable  of  being 
turned  to  great  advantage,  as  the  whole  of  the 
ground  called  the  Meadows  may  be  reclaimed 
at  an  easy  comparitive  expence  &  is  a  very  good 

41  good 


Washington  s  Diary         \l2*^. 

stand  for  a  Tavern — Much  Hay  may  be  cut 
here  When  the  ground  is  laid  down  in  Grass  & 
the  upland,  East  of  the  Meadow,  is  good  for 
grain. — 

Dined  at  Mf  Thomas  Gists *^  at  the  Foot  of 
Laurel,  distant  from  the  Meadows  1 2  Miles, 
andarrivedat  Gilbert  Simpsons' ^^  about5oclock 
12  Miles  further. —  Crossing  the  Mountains,  I 
found  tedious  and  fatieguing. — from  Fort  Cum- 
berland to  Gwins  took  me  one  hour  and  Ten 
minutes  riding — between  Gwins  &  Tumbersons 
I  was  near  6  hours  and  used  all  the  dispatch  I 
could — betweenTumbersons and  Mount's  I  was 
full  4  hours — between  Mounts  and  the  crossing 
upwards  of  3  hours — between  the  crossing  and 
Daughertys  4  hours — between  Daughertys  and 
Gists  4^  . — and  between  Gists  and  Simpsons 
upwards  of  3  hours  and  in  all  parts  of  the  Road 
that  would  admit  it  I  endeavoured  to  ride  my 
usual  travelling  gate  of  5  Miles  an  hour 

In  passing  over  the  Mountains,  I  met  num- 
bers of  Persons  &  Pack  horses*'  going  in  with 
Ginseng;  &  for  Salt  &  other  articles  at  the 
Markets  below ;  from  most  of  whom  I  made 
enquiries  of  the  nature  of  the  Country  between 

42  between 


7^''^']         September  Mdcd^.^.^^y. 

the  little  Kanhawa  and  ten  miles  Creek  (which 
had  been  represented  as  a  short  and  easy  portage) 
and  to  my  surprize  found  the  acc\^  w*^.^  had  been 
given  were  so  far  from  the  truth  that  numbers 
with  whom  I  conversed  assured  me  that  the 
distance  between  was  very  considerable^" — that 
ten  Miles  Ck.  was  not  navigable  even  for 
Canoes  more  than  a  Mile  from  its  mouth  and 
few  of  them,  altho  I  saw  many  who  lived  on 
different  parts  of  this  Creek  would  pretend  to 
guess  at  the  distance. — 

I  also  endeavoured  to  get  the  best  ace!  I 
could  of  the  navigation  of  Cheat  River,  &  find 
that  the  line  which  divides  the  States  of  Virginia 
&  Pennsylvania  crosses  the  Monongahela  above 
the  Mouth  of  it  w^!"  gives  the  command  thereof 
to  Pennsylvania/^ — that  where  this  River 
(cheat)  goes  through  the  Laurel  hill,  the  navi- 
gation is  difficult;  not  from  shallow,  or  rapid 
water,  but  from  an  immense  quantity  of  large 
Stones,  which  stand  so  thick  as  to  render  the 
passage  even  for  a  short  Canoe  impracticable — 
but  I  could  meet  with  no  person  who  seemed  to 
have  any  accurate  knowledge  of  the  Country 
between  the  navigable,  or  such  part  as  could  be 

43  be 


th 


Washington  s  Diary      \_I2^^ 


made  so,  of  this  River  &  the  N°  Branch  of  Po- 
tomack — all  seem  to  agree  however  that  it  is 
rough  &  a  good  w^ay  not  to  be  found. — 

The  acc*f  given  by  those  w^hom  I  met  of 
the  late  Murders,  &  general  dissatisfaction  of 
the  Indians,  occasioned  by  the  attempt  of  our 
people  to  settle  on  the  N°  West  side  of  the  Ohio, 
which  they  claim  as  their  territory;  and  our 
delay  to  hold  a  treaty  with  them,''  which  they 
say  is  indicative  of  a  hostile  temper  on  our  part, 
makes  it  rather  improper  for  me  to  proceed  to 
theKanhawa  agreeably  to  my  original  intention, 
especially  as  I  learnt  from  some  of  them  (one  in 
particular)  who  lately  left  the  Settlement  of 
Kentucke  that  the  Indians  were  generally  in  arms 
&  gone,  or  going,  to  attack  some  of  our  Settle- 
ments below,  and  that  a  Party  who  had  driven 
Cattle  to  Detroit  had  one  of  their  Company,  & 
several  of  their  Cattle  killed  by  the  Indians — 
but  as  these  acc*f  will  either  be  contradicted  or 
confirmed  by  some  whom  I  may  meet  at  my  Sale 
on  the  1  ^^  Inst!  my  final  determination  shall  be 
postponed  till  then. — 


44 


ly^]         September  Mdc^.':'^'''. 

If' 
C I  visited  my  Mill/^  and  the  several  tene- 
ments on  this  Tract  (on  which  Simpson  lives) 
—  I  do  not  find  the  land  in  general  equal  to  my 
expectation  of  it — some  part  indeed  is  as  rich 
as  can  be,  some  other  part  is  but  indifferent — 
the  levellest  is  the  coldest,  and  of  the  meanest 
quality — that  which  is  most  broken  is  the 
richest;  tho'  some  of  the  hills  are  not  of  the 
first  quality. 

The  Tenements  with  respect  to  buildings, 
are  but  indifferently  improved  —  each  have 
Meadow  and  arable,  but  in  no  great  quantity. — 
the  Mill  was  quite  destitute  of  water — the 
works  &  House  appear  to  be  in  very  bad  con- 
dition— and  no  reservoir  of  water — the  stream 
as  it  runs,  is  all  the  resource  it  has; — formerly 
there  was  a  dam  to  stop  the  water;  but  that 
giving  way  it  is  brought  in  a  narrow  confined 
&  trifling  Race  to  the  forebay,  w*".*"  and  the 
trunk,  which  conveys  the  water  to  the  wheel 
are  in  bad  order — In  a  word,  little  Rent,  or 
good  is  to  be  expected  from  the  present  aspect 
of  her. — 

45 


Washington  s  Diary         \l 4.^^^ 

C  Remained  at  Mf  Gilbert  Simpsons  all  day. — 
before  Noon  Col°  Will'"  Butler'"  and  the  officer 
Commanding  the  Garrison  at  Fort  Pitt  a  Capt" 
Lucket'^  came  here  —  as  they  confirmed  the 
reports  of  the  discontented  temper  of  the  In- 
dians and  the  Mischiefs  done  by  some  parties 
of  them — and  the  former  advised  me  not  to 
prosecute  my  intended  trip  to  the  Great  Kana- 
hawa,  I  resolved  to  decline  it. — 

This  day  also  the  people  who  lives  on  my 
land  on  Millers  Run'^  came  here  to  set  forth 
their  pretensions  to  it;  &  to  enquire  into  my 
Right. — after  much  conversation  &  attempts 
in  them  to  discover  all  the  flaws  they  could  in 
my  Deed  &c^  —  &  to  establish  a  fair  and  up- 
right intention  in  themselves.'^ — and  after  much 
councelling  which  proceeded  from  a  division 
of  opinion  among  themselves — they  resolved 
(as  all  who  lived  on  the  land  were  not  here)  to 
give  me  their  definite  determination  when  I 
should  come  to  the  land,  which  I  told  them 
would  probably  happen  on  Friday  or  Saturday 
next. 

46 


75^^]         September  Mdcd^.'^''^': 


IS'"". 
C  This  being  the  day  appointed  for  the  Sale  of 
my  moiety  of  the  Co-partnership  Stock^* — 
many  People  were  gathered  (more  out  of  curi- 
osity I  believe  than  from  other  motives)  but  no 
great  Sale  made. —  My  Mill  I  could  obtain  no 
bid  for,  altho  I  offered  an  exemption  from  the 
payment  of  Rent  1 5  Months. — The  Plantation 
on  which  M^  Simpson  lives  rented  well — viz 
for  500  Bushels  of  Wheat,  payable  at  any  place 
with  in  the  County  that  I  or  my  Agent  should 
direct. — the  little  chance  of  getting  a  good  of- 
fer in  money,  for  Rent,  induced  me  to  set  it  up 
to  be  bid  for  in  Wheat. — 

Not  meeting  with  any  person  who  could 
give  me  a  satisfactory  ace*  of  the  Navigation  of 
the  Cheat  River  (tho'  they  generally  agreed  it 
was  difficult  where  it  passed  thro'  the  Laurel 
Hill)  nor  any  ace!  of  the  distance  &  kind  of 
Country  between  that,  or  the  Main  branch  of 
the  Monongahela  and  the  Waters  of  Potomac 
— nor  of  the  Country  between  the  little  Kan- 
hawa  and  the  Waters  of  Monongahela  tho'  all 
agreed  none  of  the  former  came  near  ten  miles 

47  miles 


Washington  s  Diary         [/(? 


th 


Creek  as  had  been  confidently  asserted;  I  gave 
up  the  intention  of  returning  home  that  way — 
resolving  after  settling  matters  with  those  Per- 
sons who  had  seated  my  Lands  on  Millers  Run, 
to  return  by  the  way  I  came;  or  by  what  is  com- 
monly called  the  Turkey  foot  Road. — 

C  Continued  at  Simpsons  all  day — in  order  to 
finish  the  business  which  was  begun  yesterday 
—  Gave  leases  to  some  of  my  Ten^f  on  the  Land 
whereon  I  now  am — 

C  Detained  here  by  a  settled  Rain  the  whole 
day — which  gave  me  time  to  close  my  acc*f 
with  Gilbert  Simpson,  &  put  a  final  end  to  my 
Partnership  with  him — Agreed  this  day  with 
a  Major  Thomas  Freeman^'  to  superintend  my 
business  over  the  Mountains,  upon  terms  to  be 
inserted  in  his  Instructions — 

C  Set  out  with  Doct^  Craik  for  my  Land  on 
Millers  Run  (a  branch  of  Shurtees  Creek)^** — 

48  Creek)''— 


If,  .   . 


id  seated  i 


-o'lin  \- 


MAP 

OF 

WASHINGTON     COUNTY     AT 
THE  TIME  OF  WASH- 
INGTON'S   TOUR 


20^.^]         September  Mdcd''.''''''! 

crossed  the  Monongahela  at  Deboirs  Ferry" — 
1 6  miles  from  Simpsons — bated  at  one  Hamil- 
tons^®  about  4  Miles  from  it,  in  Washington 
County,  and  lodged  at  a  .Col°  Cassons^^  on  the 
Waters  of  Shurtees  Creek — a  kind  hospitable 
Man;  &  sensible 

Most  of  the  Land  over  which  we  passed 
was  hilly — some  of  it  very  rich — others  thin 
— between  a  Col?  Cooks"''  and  the  Ferry  the 
Land  was  rich  but  broken — about  Shurtee  & 
from  thence  to  Col?  Cassons,  the  Soil  is  very 
luxurient  and  very  uneven. — 

C  Being  Sunday,  and  the  People  living  on  my 
Land,  apparently  very  religious,^^  it  was  thought 
best  to  postpone  going  among  them  till  tomor- 
row— but  rode  to  a  Docf  Johnsons"^  who  had 
the  keeping  of  Col°  Crawfords  (surveying  Rec- 
ords— but  not  finding  him  at  home  was  disap- 
pointed in  the  business  which  carried  me 
there. — 

20*^ 

C  Went  early  this  Morning  to  view  my  Land, 

&  to  receive  the  final  determination  of  those 

4  49  those 


Washington  s  Diary         \20^'''. 

who  live  upon  it*'^ —  having  obtained  a  Pilot 
near  the  Land  I  went  first  to  the  plantation  of 
Samuel  M^  Bride,  who  has  about 

5  Acres  of  Meadow — & 
30  of  arable  Land 
under  good  fencing — a  Logged  dwelling  house 
with  a  punchion  Roof,  &  Stable,  or  small  barn, 
of  the  same  kind  —  the  Land  rather  hilly,  but 
good,  chiefly  white  oak. —  next  — 
James  M*:  Bride 
3  or  4  Acres  of  Meadow 
28  D°  of  arable  Land 
Pretty  good  fencing — Land  rather  broken,  but 
good — white  &  black  oak  mixed  —  a  dwell- 
ing House  and  barn  (of  midling  size)  with  Pun- 
cheon Roofs 

Thomas  Biggart 
Rob!  Walker  living  thereon  as  a  Tenant. — 
No  Meadow. —  ab! 
20  Acres  of  arable  Land 
dwelling  House  and  single  barn  —  fences  tol- 
erable—  and  Land  good. — 

William  Stewart 
2^   Acres  of  Meadow 
20  D°  of  arable  Land 

50 


20^.^]         September  Mdcd^.':''''^. 

only  one  house  except  a  kind  of  building  ad- 
joining for  common  purposes. —  good  Land 
and  Midling  fences. — 

Matthew  Hillast 
has  within  my  line  —  ab! 

7  Acres  of  Meadow 
3  besides,  Arable  —  also 
a  small  double  Barn. — 

Brice  M'rGeechen 

3  Acres  of  Meadow 

20  D?  arable. — under 
good  fencing. — A  small  new  Barn  good. — 

Duncan  M':  Geechen 

2  Acres  of  Meadow. 

38  D?  Arable  Land. 
A  good  single  Bar.n,  dwelling  House  spring 
House  &  several  other   Houses. — the  Planta- 
tion under  good  fencing. — 

David  Reed 
claimed  by  the  last  mentioned  (Duncan  M*"- 
Geechen) 

2  Acres  of  Meadow 

1 8  D°  Arable  Land 
No  body  living  on  this  place  at  present  —  the 
dwelling  House  and  fencing  in  bad  order. 

51 


UNIVERSITY  OF 

tlLINOIS  LIRRARV 


Washington  s  Diary  [20  . 


John  Reed  Esquire 
4  Acres  of  Meadow 
38  D°  Arable  D° 
A  Small  dwelling  House — but  Logs  for  a  large 
one,  a  Still  House — good  Land — and  fencing 
David  Reed 
2  Acres  of  Meadow 
1 7  D?  Arable 
A  good  logged  dwelling   House  with  a  bad 
Roof — several  other  small  Houses  and  an  in- 
different Barn,  or  Stable — bad  fences;  but  very 
good  Land 

William  Hillas 

20  Acres  of  Arable  Land 

No  Meadow 

But  one  house,  and  that  indifferent — fences  not 

good 

John  Glen 
2  or  3  Acres  of  Meadow  within  my  Line 
— his  plantation  &  the  next  of  his  Land  with- 
out.— 

James  Scott 
Placed  on  the  Land  by  Thomas  Lapsley — has 
17  Acres  under  good  fencing — only  a  dwelling 
House  (which  stops  the  door  of  a  Cabbin  built 

^2  built 


20*^^^         September  Mdcd'^''^^'! 

byCapt?  Crawford) — white  oak  Land — rather 
thin — but  good  bottom  to  clear  for  Meadow. — 
Matthew  Johnson 
2  Acres  of  Meadow 
24  D?  Arable  Land 
a  good  logged  house — Materials  for  a  dble 
Barn — very  g^  Land,  but  indifferent  fences 
James  Scott, 
a  large  Plantation  ^* — about 
70  Acres  of  Arable  Land 
4  D?  of  improved  Meadow 
Much  more  may  be  made  into  Meadow. — the 
Land  very  good,  as  the  fences  also  are —     A 
Barn  dwelling  House  &  some  other  Houses. — 
The  foregoing  are  all  the  Improvements 
upon  this  Tract  which  contains  2813  Acres — 
The  Land  is  leveller  than  is  common  to  be 
met  with  in  this  part  of  the  Country,  and  good; 
the  principal  part  of  it  is  white  oak,  intermixed 
in  many  places  with  black  oak;  and  is  estemed 
a  valuable  tract. — 

Dined  at  David  Reeds,  after  which  M^ 
James  Scot  &  Squire  Reed  began  to  enquire 
whether  I  would  part  with  the  Land,  &  upon 
what  terms;  adding,  that  tho'  they  did  not  con- 

53  con- 


Washington  s  Diary  \20^^. 

ceive  they  could  be  dispossed,  yet  to  avoid  con- 
tention, they  would  buy,  if  my  terms  were 
Moderate. —  I  told  them  I  had  no  inclination 
to  sell;  however,  after  hearing  a  good  deal  of 
their  hardships,  their  Religious  principles 
(which  had  brought  them  together  as  a  society 
of  Ceceders)  and  unwillingness  to  seperate  or 
remove;  I  told  them  I  would  make  them  a  last 
offer  and  this  was — the  whole  tract  at  25  S.  py 
Acre,  the  money  to  be  paid  at  3  annual  pay- 
ments with  Interest; — or  to  become  Tenants 
upon  leases  of  999  years,  at  the  annual  Rent  of 
Ten  pounds  py  C"  p!"  Ann. — The  former  they 
had  a  long  consultation  upon,  &  asked  if  I  w? 
take  that  price  at  a  longer  credit,  without  In- 
terest, and  being  answered  in  the  Negative  they 
then  determined  to  stand  suit  for  the  Land ; 
but  it  having  been  suggested  that  there  were 
among  them  some  who  were  disposed  to  relin- 
quish their  claim,  I  told  them  I  would  receive 
their  answers  individually;  and  accordingly 
calling  upon  them  as  they  stood 

James  Scott 

William  Stewart 

Thomas  Lapsley 

54 


^/.^Q  September  Mdcd^.'^''':". 

James  M":  Bride 

Brice  M*:  Geechin 

Thomas  Biggar 

David  Reed 

William  Hillas 

James  M':  Bride 

Duncan  M^  Geechin 

Matthew  Johnson 

John  Reed — & 

John  Glen — they  severally  an- 
swered, that  they  meant  to  stand  suit,  &  abide 
the  Issue  of  the  Law. — 

This  business  being  thus  finished,  I  returned 
to  Col?  Cassons  in  Company  with  himself,  Col° 
Nevil,''  Capf!  Swearingin  (high  Sherif )"'  &  a 
Capt'!  Richie,*'^  who  had  accompanied  me  to  the 
Land. — 

C  Accompanied  by  Col°  Casson  &  Cap" 
Swearingin  who  attended  me  to  Debores  ferry 
on  the  Monongahela  which  seperates  the 
Counties  of  Fayette  and  Washington,  I  re- 
turned to  Gilbert  Simpson's  in  the  afternoon ; 
after  dining  at  one  Wickermans  Mill  near  the 
Monongahela. — 

ss 


Washington  s  Diary  \_22\ 


Col°  Casson,  Cape  Sweringin  &  Cape 
Richie  all  promised  to  hunt  up  the  Evidences 
which  could  prove  my  possession  &  im- 
provement of  the  Land  before  any  of  the 
present  Occupiers  ever  saw  it 

C After  giving  instructions  to  Major  Thomas 
Freeman  respecting  his  conduct  in  my  busi- 
ness, and  disposing  of  my  Baggage  which  was 
left  under  the  care  of  My  Gilbert  Simpson — 
consisting  of  two  leather  &  one  linnen  Val- 
eses  with  my  Marquee  &  horseman's  Tent 
Tent  Poles  &  Pins — all  my  bedding  except 
Sheets  (which  I  take  home  with  me) — the 
equipage  Trunk  containing  all  that  was  put 
into  it  except  the  Silver  Cups  and  Spoons — 
Canteens — two  Kegs  of  Spirits — Horse  Shoes 

&c^     I  set  out  for  Beason  Town/^  in  order 

to  meet  with,  &  engage  M^  Tho!  Smith''  to 
bring  Ejectments,  for  the  Land  in  Wash- 
ington County,  on  which  those,  whose  names 
are  herein  inserted,  are  settled.  Reached  Bea- 
son Town  about  dusk  about  (the  way  I  came) 
1 8  miles. 

S6 


22'^^  Septe??iber  Mdcd^^^f^ 

Note. — in  my  equipage  Trunk  and  the 
Canteens — were  Madeira  and  Port  Wine — 
Cherry  bounce — Oyl,  Mustard — Vinegar — 
and  Spices  of  all  sorts — Tea,  and  Sugar  in  the 
Camp  Kettles  (a  whole  loaf  of  white  sugar 
broke  up  about  7  lbs  weight)  the  Camp  Kettles 
are  under  a  lock,  as  the  Canteens  &  Trunk  also 
are — My  fishing  lines  are  in  the  Canteens. — 

At  Beason  Town  I  met  with  Capt"  Har- 
din'**  who  informed  me,  as  I  had  before  been 
informed  by  others,  that  the  West  fork  of 
Monongahela  communicates  very  nearly  with 
the  waters  of  the  little  Kanhawa — that  the 
Portage  does  not  exceed  Nine  Miles — and 
that  a  very  good  Waggon  Road  may  be  had 
between — That  from  the  Mouth  of  the  River 
Cheat  to  that  of  the  West  Fork,  is  computed 
to  be  about  30  Miles,  &  the  Navigation  good 
— as  it  also  is  up  the  West  fork. —  that  the 
South  or  Main  branch  of  the  Monongahela  has 
considerable  impediments  in  the  Way;  and 
were  it  otherwise,  would  not  answer  the  pur- 
pose of  a  communication  with  the  North  or 
South  branch  of  Potomack  from  the  westerly 
direction  in  which  it  runs- — That  the  Cheat 

57  Cheat 


Washington  s  Diary  \22. 


River,  tho'  rapid  and  bad,  has  been  navigated 
to  the  Dunkard  bottom  about  25  Miles  from 
its  mouth — and  that  he  has  understood  a  good 
way  may  be  had  from  thence  to  the  North 
branch,  which  he  thinks  must  be  about  30 
Miles  distant. —  He  also  adds,  that  from  the 
Settlem*f  on  the  East  of  the  Alligany,  to  Mo- 
nongahela  Court  House  on  the  West,  it  is  re- 
ported a  very  good  Road  may  be  opened,  and 
is  already  marked  ;  from  whence  to  the  Navi- 
gable Water  of  the  little  Kanhawa  is  ab* 
[omitted]  Miles. — 

From  this  information  I  resolved  to  return 
home  that  way;  &  my  Baggage  under  the 
care  of  Docf^  Craik  and  Son,  having,  from 
Simpsons,  taken  the  Rout  by  the  New  (or 
Turkey  foot)  Road^^  as  it  is  called  (which  is 
said  to  be  20  Miles  near[er]  than  Braddocks) 
with  a  view  to  make  a  more  minute  enquiry 
into  the  Navigation  of  the  Yohiogany  Waters 
—  My  Nephew  and  I  set  out  about  Noon,  with 
one  Col°  Philips''  for  Cheat  River ;  after  I  had 
engaged  M""  Smith  to  undertake  my  business 
&  had  given  him  such  information  as  I  was 
able  to  do. 

58 


^j:^]  September  Mdcc^':'^''^.'! 

Note,  It  is  adjudged  proper  to  ascertain  the 
date  of  the  Warr!  to  Capf?  Posey^^ — and  the 
identity  of  his  hand  writing  to  his  Bond  to  me; 
the  latter  so  as  to  give  it  authenticity. —  as  also 
the  date  of  hewis's  [Lewis's]  return,  on  which 
my  Patent  Issued — because  if  this  is  antecedent 
to  the  settlement  of  the  occupiers  of  my  Land, 
it  will  put  the  matter  out  of  all  kind  of  dispute; 
as  the  claim  of  those  people  rests  upon  their 
possessing  the  Land  before  I  had  any  legal  Sur- 
vey of  it — not  viewing  Crawfords  as  authentic. 
— 'Tis  advisable  also,  to  know  whether  any  lo- 
cation of  it  was  ever  made  in  the  Land,  or  Sur- 
veyors Office,  and  the  date  of  such  Entry. — and 
likewise,  what  Ordainance  it  is  Capt'?  Crawford 
speaks  of  in  his  Letter  of  the  20*1"  of  Septy  1776 
which  passed  he  says  the  last  Convention,  for 
saving  equitable  claims  on  the  Western  Waters.'^* 

C  Arrived  at  Col°  Philips  ab!  five  oclock  in 
the  afternoon  1 6  Miles  from  Beason  Town  & 
near  the  Mouth  of  Cheat  Riv'  the  land  thro' 
w"}  I  rid  was  for  the  most  part  tolerably  level 
— in  some  places  rich — but  in  general  of  a 

59  o^  a 


Washington  s  Diary         [^^ 


th 


second  quality — crossed  no  water  of  consequence 
except  Georges  Creek — 

An  Apology  made  to  me  from  the  Court  of 
Fayette  (thro'  Mf  Smith)  ifor  not  addressing 
me;  as  they  found  my  Horses  Saddled  and  my- 
self on  the  move. — 

Finding  by  enquiries,  that  the  Cheat  River 
had  been  passed  with  Canoes  thro'  those  parts 
which  had  been  represented  as  impassable — 
and  that  a  Capt"  Hanway — the  Surveyor  of 
Monongahela  [Monongalia]  County  lived  with- 
in two  or  three  Miles  of  it.  South  side  thereof; 
I  resolved  to  pass  it  to  obtain  further  informa- 
tion,— &  accordingly  (accompanied  by  Col? 
Philips)  set  of  in  the  morning  of  the 

C  And  crossed  it  at  the  mouth,"^^  as  it  was 
thought  the  River  was  too  much  swelled  to 
attempt  the  ford  a  little  higher  up. — the  fork 
was  about  2  Miles  &  half  from  Col°  Philips  & 
the  ground  betw"  very  hilly  tho'  rich  in  places. 
— The  Cheat  at  the  Mouth  is  about  125  y^' 
wide  —  the  Monongahela  near  d^!®  that — the 
colour^^  of  the  two  Waters  is  very  differ^,  that  of 

60  that  of 


24^^"^         September  Mdcd':'^''''! 

Cheat  is  dark  (occasioned  as  is  conjectured  by 
the  Laurel,  among  which  it  rises,  and  through 
which  it  runs)  the  other  is  clear;  &  there  ap- 
pears a  repugnancy  in  both  to  mix,  as  there  is 
a  plain  line  of  division  betw"  the  two  for  some 
distance  below  the  fork ;  which  holds,  I  am  told 
near  a  Mile. — the  Cheat  keeps  to  the  right 
shore  as  it  descends,  &  the  other  the  left. — 

The  Line  which  divides  the  Common- 
wealths of  Virginia  &  Pennsylvania  crosses 
both  these  Rivers  about  two  Miles  up  each 
from  the  point  of  fork — &  the  Land  between 
them  is  high  as  the  line  runs  being  a  ridge 
which  seperates  the  two  Waters — but  higher 
up  the  fork  a  good  road  (it  is  said)  may  be 
had  from  one  River  to  the  other. — 

from  the  Fork  to  the  Surveyors  Office, 
which  is  at  the  house  of  one  Pierpoint,"  is 
about  8  Miles  along  the  dividing  Ridge, — at 
this  Office  I  could  obtain  no  information  of  any 
Surveys  or  Entrie  made  for  me  by  Capt"  W'?' 
Crawford ;  but  from  an  examination  of  his 
books  it  appeared  pretty  evident  that  the  2500 
acres  which  he  (Crawford)  had  surveyed  for  & 
offered  to  me  on  the  little  Kanhawa  (adjoining 

61  (adjoining 


Washington  s  Diary  \_2/l!^!; 

the  large  survey  under  the  proclamation  of 
1754)  he  had  entered  for  M^  Robert  Ruther- 
ford— and  that  the  other  tract  in  the  fork  be- 
tween the  Ohio  &  little  Kanhawa  had  been 
entered  by  Doct^  Briscoe  &  Sons.^^ — 

Pursuing  my  inquiries  respecting  the  Navi- 
gation of  the  Western  Waters,  Capt"  Hanway 
proposed,  if  I  would  stay  all  Night,  to  send  to 
Monongahela  C^  House  at  Morgan  town,  for 
Col°  Zach^  Morgan^^  and  others;  who  would 
have  it  in  their  power  to  give  the  best  ace!  that 
were  to  be  obtained,  which,  assenting  to,  they 
were  sent  for  &  came, — &  from  them  I  re- 
ceived the  following  intelligence 

viz  — 

That  from  the  fork  of  the  Monongahela  & 
Cheat,  to  the  Court  House  at  Morgan  Town, 
is,  by  Water,  about  1 1  Miles,  &  from  thence  to 
the  West  fork  of  the  former  is  1 8  More. — from 
thence  to  the  carrying  place  between  it  and  a 
branch  of  the  little  Kanhawa,  at  a  place  called 
Bullstown,^"  is  about  40  Miles  by  Land — more 
by  Water — and  the  Navigation  good — The 
carrying  place  is  nine  Miles  and  a  half  between 
the  navigable  parts  of  the  two  Waters ;  and  a 

62  and  a 


24.{^':^         September  Mdcd: 


good  Road  between;  there  being  only  one  hill 
in  the  way,  and  that  not  bad. —  hence  to  ye 
M°  of  the  Kanhawa  is  50  Miles. — 

That  from  Monongahela  Court  House  1 5 
Miles  along  the  New  Road*^  which  leads  into 
Braddocks  Road,  East  of  the  winding  ridge, 
and  M^  Culloch's  path,  to  one  Joseph  Logs- 
ton's  on  the  North  branch  of  Potomack  is 
about  40  Miles — that  this  way  passes  through 
Sandy  Creek  glades,  and  the  glades  of  Yohiog- 
any,  and  may  be  made  good. — but,  if  the  Road 
should  go  from  Clarke's  Town  on  the  Western 
fork  of  Monongahela,  1 5  Miles  below  the  car- 
rying place  to  the  aforesaid  Logston's  it  would 
cross  Tyger  Valley  River  (the  largest  branch 
of  Monongahela)  above  the  falls  therein,  go 
through  the  glades  of  Monongahela ;  cross 
Cheat  River  at  the  Dunkers  bottom  (25  Miles 
from  its  Mouth) — and  thence  through  the 
Glades  of  Yohiogany — in  all  f?  y^  Kah^  85 
Miles 

That  the  Cheat  River  where  it  runs  through 
the  Laurel  hill  is,  in  their  opinion,  so  incom- 
oded  with  large  Rock  stones,  rapid,  and  dash- 
ing water  from  one  Rock  to  another,  as  to  be- 

63  to  be- 


Washington  s  Diary         \2/l!^. 

come  impassable ;  especially  as  they  do  not 
think  a  passage  sufficient  to  admit  a  Canal  can 
be  found  between  the  Hills  &  the  common  bed 
of  the  River — but  of  these  matters  none  of 
them  pretended  to  speak  from  actual  knowl- 
edge, or  observation;  but  from  Report,  and  par- 
tial views. — 

That  from  these  rapids  to  the  Dunkers  bot- 
tom, &  four  Miles  above,  the  Navigation  is 
very  good; — after  which  for  8  Miles,  the  River 
is  very  foul,  &  worse  to  pass  than  it  is  through 
the  Laurel  hill ;  but  from  thence  upwards  thro' 
the  horse  Shoe  bottom,  &  many  Miles  higher, 
it  is  again  good,  &  fit  for  transportation ;  but 
(tho'  useful  to  the  Inhabitants  thereof)  will 
conduce  nothing  to  the  general  plan,  as  it  is 
thought  no  part  of  the  Cheat  River  runs  nearer 
to  the  navigable  part  of  the  N°  branch  of 
Potomack  than  the  Dunkers  bottom  does, 
which  they  add  is  about  25  Miles  of  good  road. 
From  the  Dunkers  bottom  to  Clarkes  Town 
they  estimate  3  5  Miles,  and  say  the  Tyger  Val- 
ley fork  of  the  Monongahela  affords  good  nav- 
igation above  the  falls  which  is  7  Miles  only 
from  the  Mouth,  &  is  a  Cateract  of  25  feet. 

64  feet. 


2^^^i\         September  Mdcd'^.':'^''^. 


25'^ 
C  Having  obtained  the  foregoing  information, 
and  being  indeed  some  what  discouraged  from 
the  ace!  given  of  the  passage  of  the  Cheat  River 
through  the  Laurel  hill  and  also  from  attempt- 
ing to  return  by  the  wayof  theDunkers  bottom, 
as  the  path  it  is  said  is  very  blind  &  exceedingly 
grown  up  with  briers,  I  resolved  to  try  the  other 
Rout,  along  the  New  Road  to  Sandy  Creek; 
&  thence  by  M*:  Cullochs  path  to  Logstons; 
and  accordingly  set  of  before  Sunrise. — 

Within  3  Miles  I  came  to  the  River  Cheat 
ab!  7  Miles  from  its  Mouth — at  a  ferry  kept 
by  one  Ice;^^  of  whom  making  inquiry,  I  learnt 
that  he  himself,  had  passed  from  the  Dunkers 
bottom  both  in  Canoes  and  with  Rafts. — That 
a  new  Canoe  which  I  saw  at  his  Landing  had 
come  down  the  day  before  only,  (the  owner  of 
which  had  gone  to  Sandy  Creek) — that  the 
first  rapid  was  about  i  ^  Miles  above  his  ferry 
— that  it  might  be  between  50  and  100  yards 
thro'  it — that  from  this  to  the  Next,  might  be 
a  Mile,  of  good  water — That  these  2  Rapids 
were  much  alike,  &  of  the  same  extent;  that  to 
°  65  that  to 


th 


Washington  s  Diary  [^S^-^' 

the  next  rapid,  which  was  the  worst  of  the  three, 
it  was  about  5  Miles  of  smooth  water. — That  the 
difficulty  of  passing  these  rapids  lies  more  in  the 
number  of  large  Rocks  which  choak  the  River, 
and  occasion  the  water  not  only  (there  being 
also  a  greater  dissent  here  than  elsewhere)  to  run 
swift,  but  meandering  thro'  them  renders  steer- 
age dangerous  by  the  sudden  turnings. — That 
from  his  ferry  to  the  Dunkers  bottom,  along  the 
River,  is  about  15  Miles;  and  in  his  opinion, 
there  is  room  on  one  side  or  the  other  of  it  at 
each  side  of  the  Rapids  for  a  Canal. — 

This  ace!  being  given  from  the  Mans  own 
observation,  who  seemed  to  have  no  other  mean- 
ing in  what  he  asserted  than  to  tell  the  truth, 
tho'he,  like  others,  who  for  want  of  competent 
skill  in  these  things  cou'd  not  distinguish  be- 
tween real  &  imaginary  difficulties,  left  no 
doubt  on  my  Mind  of  the  practicability  of 
opening  an  easy  passage  by  Water  to  the  Dun- 
ker  bottom. — the  River  at  his  house  may  be  a 
hundred  or  more  yards  wide,  according  to  his 
ace!  (which  I  beUeve  is  rather  large)  near  a 
hundred  miles  by  water  to  Fort  Pitt. 

The  Road  from  Morgan  Town  or  Monon- 
66  Monon- 


2y.^]         September  Mdcd^.=^''''{ 

gahela  C!  House,  is  said  to  be  good  to  this  ferry 
— distance  ab!  6  Miles — the  dissent  of  the  hill 
to  the  River  is  rather  Steep  &  bad — and  the 
assent  from  it,  on  the  North  side,  is  steep  also 
tho'  short,  and  may  be  rendered  much  better; 
— from  the  ferry  the  Laurel  hilP^  is  assended 
by  an  easy  and  almost  imperceptible  slope  to 
its  summit  thro'  dry  white  Oak  Land.^^ — along 
the  top  of  it  the  Road  continues  for  some  dis- 
tance, but  is  not  so  good;  as  the  Soil  is  richer, 
deeper  &  more  stony,  which  inconveniences  (for 
good  roads)  also  attends  the  dissent  on  the  East 
side,  tho'  it  is  regular  &  in  no  places  steep. — 
After  crossing  this  hill  the  road  is  very  good  to 
the  ford  of  Sandy  Creek  at  one  James  Spur- 
geons,**  ab!  1 5  Miles  from  Ice's  ferry. 

At  the  crossing  of  this  Creek  M*"  Cullochs 
path,^^  which  owes  its  origen  to  Buffaloes,  being 
no  other  than  their  tracks  from  one  lick  to 
another  &  consequently  crooked  &  not  well 
chosen,  strikes  off  from  the  New  road  which 
passes  great  Yohiogany  1 5  Miles  further  on, 
and  enters  Braddock  Road  at  the  place  before 
mentioned,  at  the  distance  of  22  Miles. 

From  Spurgeon's  to  one  Lemons,^^  which 
67  which 


Washington  s  Diary         [26^/! 

is  a  little  to  the  right  of  M*:  Cullochs  path,  is 
reckoned  9  Miles,  and  the  way  not  bad;  but 
from  Lemons  to  the  entrance  of  the  Yohiogany 
glades  which  is  estimated  9  Miles  more  thro' 
a  deep  rich  Soil  in  some  places,  and  a  very 
rocky  one  in  others,  with  steep  hills  &  what  is 
called  the  briery  Mountain^'  to  cross  is  intolera- 
ble but  these  might  be  eased  &  a  much  better 
way  found  if  a  little  pains  was  taken  to  slant 
them. — 

At  the  entrance  of  the  above  glades  I  lodged 
this  night,®^  with  no  other  shelter  or  cover  than 
my  cloak.  &  was  unlucky  enough  to  have  a 
heavy  shower  of  Rain. —  our  horses  were  also 
turned  loose  to  cater  for  themselves  having 
nothing  to  give  them. — from  this  place  my 
guide  (Lemon)  informed  me  that  the  Dunkers 
bottom  was  not  more  than  8  Miles  from  us. — 

It  may  not  be  amiss  to  observe,  that  Sandy 
Creek  has  a  fall  within  a  few  miles  of  its 
Mouth  of  40  feet,  &  being  rapid  besides, 
affords  no  navigation  at  all. — 

C  Having  found  our  Horses  readily  (for  they 
nevf  lost  sight  of  our  fire)  we  started  at  the 

68  the 


2ff^'^^  September  Mdcd^.'^^. 

dawning  of  day,  and  passing  along  a  small  path 
much  enclosed  with  weeds  and  bushes,  loaded 
with  Water  from  the  overnights  rain  &  the 
showers  which  were  continually  falling,  we  had 
an  uncomfortable  travel  to  one  Charles  friends,^^ 
about  I  o  Miles ;  where  we  could  get  nothing 
for  our  horses,  and  only  boiled  Corn  for  our- 
selves.— 

In  this  distance,  excepting  two  or  three 
places  which  abounded  in  Stone,  &  no  advan- 
tage taken  of  the  hills  (which  were  not  large) 
we  found  the  ground  would  admit  an  exceed- 
ingly good  Waggon  Road  with  a  little  causey- 
ing of  Some  parts  of  the  Glades;  the  Ridges  be- 
tween being  chiefly  white  oak  land,  intermixed 
with  grit  &  Stone. — 

Part  of  these  glades  is  the  property  of  Gov! 
Johnson^"  of  Maryland  who  has  settled  two  or 
three  families  of  Palatines  upon  them — These 
glades  have  a  pritty  appearance,^^  resembling 
cultivated  Lands  &  Improved  Meadows  at  a 
distance;  with  woods  here  and  there  inter- 
spersed.—  Some  of  them  are  rich,  with  a  black 
and  lively  Soil — others  are  of  a  stiffer,  &  colder 
Nature. — all  of  them  feel,  very  early,  the  effect 
of  frost. — the  growth  of  them,  is  a  grass  not 

69  not 


th 


Washington  s  Diary  \26 


much  unlike  what  is  called  fancy  grass,  without 
the  variegated  colours  of  it;  much  intermixed 
in  places  with  fern  and  other  weeds,  as  also 
with  alder  &  other  Shrubs. — The  Land  between 
these  glades  is  chiefly  white  oak,  on  a  dry  stony 
Soil. —  In  places  there  are  Walnut  &  Crab  tree 
bottoms,  which  are  very  rich — The  glades  are 
not  so  level  as  one  would  imagine — in  general 
they  rise  from  the  small  water  courses  which 
run  through  all  of  them  to  the  Ridges  which 
seperate  one  from  another — but  they  are  highly 
beniiicial  to  the  circumjacent  Country  from 
whence  the  Cattle  are  driven  to  pasture  in  the 
spring  &  recalled  at  Autumn. — 

A  Mile  before  I  came  to  Friends,  I  crossed 
the  Great  branch  of  Yohiogany,''  which  is 
about  25  or  30  yards  over;  and  impassable,  ac- 
cording to  his  ace!  between  that  and  Braddocks 
Road  on  ace*  of  the  Rapidity  of  the  Water, 
quantity  of  Stone,  &  Falls  therein — but  these 
difficulties,  in  the  eyes  of  a  proper  examiner, 
might  be  found  altogether  imaginary;  and  if 
so,  the  Navigation  of  the  Yohiogany  &  N° 
Branch  of  Potomack  may  be  brought  within 
10  Miles  &  a  good  Waggon  Road  betw°;  but 

70  but 


2&''^         September  Mdcd: 


XXXIV 


then,  the  Yohiogany  lyes  altogether  in  the  State 
of  Pennsylvania  whose  inclination  (regardless 
of  the  interest  of  that  part  which  lyes  West  of 
the  Laurel  hill)  would  be  opposed  to  the  exten- 
sion of  this  navigation,  as  it  would  be  the  inevit- 
able means  of  withdrawing  from  them  the  trade 
of  all  their  western  territory. — 

The  littleYohiogany  from  Braddocks  Road 
to  the  Falls  below  the  Turkey  foot,  or  3  forks, 
may,  in  the  opinion  of  Friend,  who  is  a  great 
Hunter,  &  well  acquainted  with  all  the  Waters, 
as  well  as  hills,  having  lived  in  that  Country 
and  followed  no  other  occupation  for  nine 
years,  be  made  navigable — and  this,  were  it  not 
for  the  reason  just  assigned,  being  within  22 
Miles  of  Fort  Cumberland,  would  open  a 
very  important  door  to  the  trade  of  that 
Country, 

He  is  also  of  opinion  that  a  very  good  road 
may  be  had  from  the  Dunkers  bottom  to  the 
N°  Branch  of  Potomack,  at  or  near  where  M? 
Cullocks  path  crosses  it ;  and  that  the  distance 
will  not  exceed  22  Miles,  to  pass  by  his  house, 
i.  e.  10  to  the  N°  Branch  &  i  2  to  the  Dun- 
kers bottom — half  of  which  (10  or  11  Miles) 

71  Miles) 


Washington  s  Diary  [26 


th 


will  go  through  the  glades,  &  white  Oak  ridges 
which  seperate  them 

There  will  be  an  intervention  of  two  hills 
in  this  road — the  back  bone  near  the  Branch 
— and  the  Briery  Mountain  near  the  Bottom, 
both  of  which  may  be  easily  passed  in  the  low- 
est parts  by  judicious  slants,  &  these  with  some 
Causeys  in  the  richest  &  deepest  parts  of  the 
glades  will  enable  a  common  team  to  draw 
twenty  hundred  with  ease  from  one  place  to 
the  other. — 

From  Friends  I  passed  by  a  spring  (distant 
3  Miles)  called  Archy's''  from  a  Man  of  that 
name — cross  the  back  bone  &  descended  into 
Ryans  glade''. — Thence  by  Tho'  Logston's'' 
(the  father  of  Joseph) — The  way  &  distances 
as  follow — to  the  foot  of  the  back  bone,  about 
5  Miles  of  very  good  ground  for  A  Road  ;  be- 
ing partly  glady,  and  partly  white  Oak  Ridges. 
— across  the  Ridge  to  Ryans  glade  One  Mile 
and  half  bad,  the  hill  being  steep,  &  in  places 
Stony — to  Joseph  Logston's'^  lyi  Miles  very 
good  going — to  the  N.  Branch  at  M^  Cul- 
lochs  path  2  Miles — infamous  road — and  to 
Tho!  Logstons'^  4  more,  partly  pretty  good,  & 

72  good,  & 


26^^]         September  Mdcc^.''.'^?. 

in  places  very  bad  but  it  has  been  observed 
before  to  what  fortuitous  circumstances  the 
paths  of  this  Country  owe  their  being,  &  how 
much  the  ways  may  be  better  chosen  by  a 
proper  investigation  of  it ;  and  the  distances 
from  place  to  place  reduced. — This  appear'd 
evident  from  my  own  observation — and  from 
young  Logston,  who  makes  hunting  his  chief 
employment ;  and  according  to  his  own  ace!  is 
acquainted  with  every  hill  &  rivulet  between 
the  North  Branch  &  the  Dunkers  bottom, 

He  asserts  that  from  Ryan's  glade  to  the  N° 
branch,  2  Miles  below  the  Mouth  of  Stony 
River  (w*^^  is  about  4  below  M?  Cullochs  cross- 
ing) a  very  good  Road  may  be  traced,  and  the 
distance  not  more  than  it  is  from  the  same 
place  to  the  crossing  last  mentioned,  which  is 
a  circumstance  of  some  importance  as  the  N? 
Branch  above  its  junction  with  Stony  River 
(which  of  the  two  seems  to  contain  most  water) 
would  hardly  afford  water  for  Navigation — 

He  agrees  precisely  with  Charles  Friends 
respecting  the  Nature  of  the  Road  between  the 
North  Branch  and  the  Dunkers  bottom  ;  but 
insists  upon  it  that  the  distance  will  not  exceed 

73  exceed 


Washington  s  Diary  \26^^. 

20  Miles — &  that  Friends  ought  to  be  left 
two  Miles  to  the  Westward — this  may  ace!  for 
their  difference  of  opinion  ;  the  latter  wanting 
his  House  to  be  introduced  as  a  stage  and  here 
it  may  be  well  to  observe;  that  however  know- 
ing these  people  are,  their  acct!  are  to  be  re- 
ceived with  great  caution — compared  with 
each  other — and  these  again  with  one's  own 
observat"^ ;  as  private  views  are  as  prevalent  in 
this,  as  any  other  Country;  and  are  particularly 
exemplified  in  the  article  of  Roads  ;  which 
(where  they  have  been  marked)  seem  calcu- 
lated more  to  promote  individual  interest,  than 
the  public  good. — 

From  the  reputed  distances,  as  I  have  given 
them  from  place  to  place  between  Mononga- 
hela  Court  House  and  the  N°  branch  at  M": 
Cullochs  ford,  &  description  of  the  Country 
over  which  I  travelled,  it  should  seem  that 
Col°  Morgan  and  those  with  whom  I  had  the 
meeting  at  Capt"  Hanway,  are  mistaken  in  two 
points. — viz — measurement,  &  the  goodness 
of  Road — They  making  the  distance  between 
those  places  only  40  Miles  and  the  way  good, 
whereas  by  my  Ace!  the  first  is  computed    t^^ 

74  SS 


26^.^!^  September  Mdcd' 


'XXXIV 


Miles  and  a  part  of  the  Road  very  bad — both 
however  are  easily  accounted  for;  the  rout  be- 
ing circuitous,  &  beasts  instead  of  Men  having 
traced  it  out. — Altho  I  was  seldom  favored 
with  a  sight  of  the  Sun  but  handsomely  be- 
sprinkled with  Rain  the  greater  part  of  the  way 
it  was  evident  to  me  that  from  Pierpoints  (Capt" 
Hanways  Quart"".^)  to  the  crossing  of  Sandy 
Creek,  I  rid  in  a  N°  E!  direction — from  thence 
for  many  Miles  South — and  afterwards  South 
Easterly. 

I  could  obtain  no  good  ace!  of  the  Naviga- 
tion of  the  N°  Branch  between  M?  Culloch's 
crossing  [Fort  Pendleton]  and  Will's  Creek  (or 
Fort  Cumberland)  indeed  there  were  scarce  any 
persons  of  whom  inquiries  could  be  made:  for, 
from  Lemon's  to  old  Logstons  there  is  only 
Friend  &  young  Logston  living  on  the  track  I 
came  and  none  on  it  for  20  Miles  below  him — 
but  in  general  I  could  gather  from  them,  es- 
pecially from  Joseph  Logston,  who  has  (he  says) 
hunted  along  the  Water  course  of  the  River 
that  there  is  no  fall  in  it — that  from  Fort  Cum- 
berland to  the  Mouth  of  Savage  River  the  wa- 
ter being  good  is  frequently  made  use  of  in  its 

'j^  in  its 


Washington  s  Diary         \26*^. 

present  State  with  Canoes — and  from  thence 
upwards,  is  only  rapid  in  places  with  loose 
Rocks  which  can  readily  be  removed 

From  the  Mouth  of  Savage  River  the  State 
of  Maryland  (as  I  was  informed)  were  opening 
a  Road  to  their  western  boundary  which  was  to 
be  met  by  another  which  the  Inhabitants  of 
Monongahela  County  (in  Virginia)  were  ex- 
tending to  the  same  place  from  the  Dunker 
bottom  through  the  glades  of  Yohiogany  mak- 
ing in  the  aggregate  ab!  35  Miles — this  Road 
will  leave  Friends  according  to  his  ace!  a  little 
to  the  Eastward  &  will  upon  the  whole  be  a 
good  Road  but  not  equal  to  the  one  which  may 
be  traced  from  the  Dunkers  bottom  to  the  N° 
Branch  at,  or  below  the  fork  of  it  &  Stony  River 

At  this  place — viz  Mf  Thof  Logston's — I 
met  a  brother  of  his,  an  intelligent  man,  who 
informed  me  that  some  years  ago  he  had  trav- 
elled from  the  Mouth  of  Carpenters  Creek 
(now  more  generally  known  by  the  name  of 
Dunlaps)  a  branch  of  Jackson's,  which  is  the 
principal  prong  of  James  River®^  to  the  Mouth  of 
Howards  Creek  w*^.^  emptys  into  the  Greenbrier 
a  large  branch  of  New  River  ab!  Great  Kana- 

76  Kana- 


2y^!^^         September  Mdcd^.^^"! 

hawa — that  the  distance  between  them  does 
not  exceed  20  Miles — and  not  a  hill  in  the 
way. — If  this  be  fact,  and  he  asserts  it  positively, 
a  communication  with  the  Western  Country 
that  way,  if  the  falls  in  the  Great  Kanhawa 
(thro  the  gauly  Mount")  Can  be  rendered  navi- 
gable will  be  as  ready, — perhaps  more  direct 
than  any  other  for  all  the  Inhabitants  of  the 
Ohio  &  its  Waters  below  the  little  Kanhawa 
— and  that  these  Falls  are  not  so  tremendous 
as  some  have  represented  I  am  inclined  to  be- 
lieve from  several  Circumstances  —  one  of 
which,  in  my  mind,  is  conclusive — so  far  at 
least — as  they  do  not  amount  to  a  Cataract, 
and  that  is  that  Fish  ascend  them — it  being 
agreed  on  all  hands  that  the  large  Cats  and  other 
fish  of  the  Ohio  are  to  be  met  with  in  great 
abundance  in  the  River  above  them. — 

C  I  left  M!"  Logston's  a  little  after  day  break 
— at  4  Miles  thro'  bad  road,  occasioned  by 
Stone,  I  crossed  the  Stony  River  ;^^  which,  as 
hath  been  before  observed,  appears  larger  than 
the  N?  Branch — at  ten  Miles  I  had  by  an  im- 

jj  im- 


Washington  s  Diary  [28^.^ 

perceptible  rise,  gained  the  summit  of  the 
AlHgany  Mountain  and  began  to  desend  it 
where  it  is  very  steep  and  bad  to  the  Waters 
of  Pattersons  Creek  which  embraces  those  of 
New  Creek — along  the  heads  of  these,  & 
crossing  the  Main  Creek  &  Mountain  bearing 
the  same  name  (at  the  top  of  which  at  one 
Snails  I  dined)  I  came  to  Col°  Abrah"*  Kites'"" 
at  Fort  pleasant  on  the  South  Branch  about 
35  Miles  from  Logstons  a  little  before  the 
Suns  setting. 

My  intention,  when  I  set  out  from  Logs- 
tons,  was  to  take  the  Road  to  Kumney  [Rom- 
ney]  by  one  Parkers  but  learning  from  my  guide 
(Joseph  Logston)  when  I  came  to  the  parting 
paths  at  the  foot  of  the  Alligany  (ab!  1 2  Miles) 
that  it  was  very  little  further  to  go  by  Fort 
pleasant,  I  resolved  to  take  that  Rout  as  it  might 
be  more  in  my  power  on  that  part  of  the 
Branch  to  get  information  of  the  extent  of  its 
navigation  than  I  should  be  able  to  do  at 
Rumney. — 

C  Remained  at  Col°  Hite's  all  day  to  refresh 
myself  and  rest  my  Horses,  having  had  a  very 

78  very 


^p^^]  September  Mdc&.^'^':'. 

faticguing  journey  thro'  the  Mountains,  occa- 
sioned not  more  for  the  want  of  accomodation 
&  the  real  necessaries  of  Hfe  than  the  showers 
of  Rain  which  were  continually  falling  &  wet- 
ting the  bushes — the  passing  of  which,  under 
these  circumstances  was  very  little  better  than 
swimming  of  Rivulets. 

From  Col°  Hite,  Col°  Jos!^  Neville  &  oth- 
ers, I  understood  that  the  navigation  of  the 
South  Branch  in  its  present  State,  is  made  use  of 
from  Fort  pleasant  to  its  Mouth — that  the 
most  difficult  part  in  it,  and  that  would  not  take 
^  I  GO  to  remove  the  obstruction  (it  being  only 
a  single  rift  of  rocks  across  in  one  place)  is  2 
Miles  below  the  old  Fort. — that  this,  as  the 
Road  goes,  is  40  Miles;  by  water  more — and 
that,  from  any  thing  they  knew,  or  believe  to 
the  contrary,  it  might  at  this  moment  be  used 
50  Miles  higher,  if  any  benefits  were  to  result 
from  it. — 

C  Having  appointed  to  join  Doct!^  Craik  and 
my  Baggage  at  Col°  Warner  Washington's,  but 
finding  it  required  only  one  day  more  to  take 
the  Rout  of  My  Tho?  Lewis's  (near  Stanton) 

79  Stanton) 


Washington  s  Diary         \2g*^. 

from  whose  Office  I  wanted  some  papers  to  en- 
able me  to  prosecute  my  ejectments  of  those 
who  had  possessed  themselves  of  my  Land  in 
the  County  of  Washington,  State  of  Pensylva- 
nia;  and  that  I  might  obtain  a  more  distinct 
ace!  of  the  Communication  between  Jackson's 
River  &  the  green  Brier;  —  I  sent  my  Nephew 
Bushrod  Washington  (who  was  of  my  party)  to 
that  place  to  request  the  Doctf  to  proceed — & 
accompanied  by  Capt"  Hite,  son  to  the  Colonel, 
I  set  out  for  Rockingham"^  in  which  County 
Mr  Lewis  now  lives  since  the  division  of  Au- 
gusta.— 

Proceeding  up  the  S?  fork  of  the  S?  Branch 
about  24  Miles — bated  our  Horses  &  obtained 
something  to  eat  ourselves,  at  one  Rudiborts. — 
Thence  taking  up  a  branch  &  following  the 
same  about  4  Miles  thro'  a  very  confined  & 
rocky  path,  towards  the  latter  part  of  it,  we 
ascended  a  very  steep  point  of  the  S°  Branch 
Mountain,  but  which  was  not  far  across,  to  the 
N?  fork  of  Shanondoah; — down  which  by  a 
pretty  good  path  which  soon  grew  into  a  con- 
siderable road,  we  discended  until  we  arrived  at 
one  Fishwaters  in  Brocks  gap,"^  about  Eight 

80  Eight 


JO^.^^         September  MJcc^^^!^ 

Miles  from  the  foot  of  the  Mountain — 12 
from  Rudiborts — &  36  from  Colon.  Hites — 
This  gap  is  occasioned  by  the  above  branch  of 
Shannondoahs  running  thro'  the  Cacapehen  & 
North  Mountains  for  about  20  Miles  and  af- 
fords a  good  road,  except  being  Stony  &  cross- 
ing the  Water  often. — 

C  Set  out  early — Capt"  Hite  returning  home 
— and  travelled  1 1  or  1 2  Miles  along  the  River, 
until  I  had  passed  thro'  the  gap — then  bearing 
more  westerly  by  one  Bryan's — the  Widow 
Smith's — and  one  Gilberts,  I  arrived  at  M^ 
Lewis's  about  Sundown,  after  riding  about  40 
Miles — leaving  Rockingham  C!  House  to  my 
right  about  2  Miles 

October  i'! 

C  Dined  at  Mf  Gabriel  Jones's,  not  half  a 
mile  from  Mf  Lewis's,  but  seperated  by  the 
South  fork  of  Shannondoah;  which  is  between 
80  and  a  hundred  yards  wide  &  makes  a  respec- 
table appearance  altho'  little  short  of  1 50  Miles 
'  81  Miles 


Washington  s  Diary  ["/ 


st 


from  its  confluence  with  Potomack  River;  and 
only  impeded  in  its  navigation  by  the  rapid 
water  &  rocks  which  are  between  the  old 
bloomery  and  Keys's  ferry;  and  a  few  other 
Ripples;  all  of  which  might  be  easily  removed. 
— and  the  navigation  according  to  My  Lewis's 
account,  extended  at  least  30  Miles  higher  than 
where  he  lives. — 

I  had  a  good  deal  of  conversation  with  this 
Gentleman  on  the  Waters,  and  trade  of  the 
Western  Country;  and  particularly  with  respect 
to  the  Navigation  of  the  Great  Kanhawa  and 
its  communication  with  James,  &  Roanoke 
Rivers. — 

His  opinion  is,  that  the  easiest  &  best  com- 
munication between  the  Eastern  &  Western 
Waters  is  from  the  North  branch  of  Potomack 
to  Yohiogany  or  Cheat  River;  and  ultimately 
that  the  Trade  between  the  two  Countries  will 
settle  in  this  Channel.  —  That  altho  James 
River  has  an  easy  &  short  communication  from 
the  Mouth  of  Carpenters  or  Dunlaps  Creek  to 
the  Green  briar  which  in  distance  &  kind  of 
Country  is  exactly  as  Logston  described  them, 
yet,  that  the  passage  of  the  New  River,  abf 

82  ab^ 


/^.^]  October  Mdcd':'^''''! 

Kahhawa,  thro'  the  gauly  Mountain  from  every 
ace!  he  has  had  of  it,  now  is,  and  ever  will  be 
attended  with  considerable  difficulty,  if  it  should 
not  prove  impracticable. —  The  Fall  he  has 
understood,  altho'  it  may  be  short  of  a  Cateract, 
or  perpendicular  tumble,  runs  with  the  velocity 
of  a  stream  discending  a  Mountain,  and  is  be- 
sides very  Rocky  &  closely  confined  between 
rugged  hills. —  He  adds,  that  from  all  appear- 
ance, a  considerable  part  of  the  Water  with 
which  the  River  above  abounds,  sinks  at  or 
above  this  Rapid  or  Fall,  as  the  quantity  he 
says,  from  report,  is  greatly  diminished,  how- 
ever, as  it  is  not  to  his  own  observations,  but 
report  these  acc'f  are  had,  the  real  difficulty  in 
surmounting  the  obstructions  here  described 
may  be  much  less  than  are  apprehended;  w*"? 
supposition  is  well  warranted  by  the  ascertion 
of  the  Fish. — 

My  Lewis  is  of  opinion  that  if  the  obstruc- 
tions in  this  River  can  be  removed,  that  the 
easiest  communication  of  all,  would  be  by  the 
Roanoke,  as  the  New  River  and  it  are  within 
1 2  Miles,  and  an  excellent  Waggon  Road  be- 
tween them — and  no  difficulty  that  ever  he 

83  he 


Washington  s  Diary  [j^ 

heard  of,  in  the  former,  to  hurt  the  inland 
Navigation  of  it. 

C  I  set  off  very  early  from  M!"  Lewis's  who  ac- 
companied me  to  the  foot  of  the  blew  Ridge  at 
Swift  run  gap,^"^  lo  Miles,  where  I  bated  and 
proceeded  over  the  Mountain — dined  at  a  piti- 
ful house  1 4  Miles  further  where  the  Roads  to 
Fredericksburgh  (by  Orange  C^  House)  &  that 
to  Culpeper  Court  House  fork. — took  the  lat- 
ter, tho'  in  my  judgment  Culpeper  Court 
House  was  too  much  upon  my  right  for  a  direct 
course — Lodged  at  a  Widow  Yearly?  i  2  Miles 
further  where  I  was  hospitably  entertained. 

3' 

C  Left  Quarters  before  day,  and  breakfasted  at 
Culpeper  Court  house"*  which  was  estimated 
21  Miles,  but  by  bad  direction  I  must  have 
travelled  25,  at  least. — crossed  Normans  ford 
10  Miles  from  the  Court  H?  and  lodged  at 
Capt?  John  Ashbys"^  occasioned  by  other  bad 
directions,  which  took  me  out  of  the  proper 
Road,  which  ought  to  have  been  by  Elk  Run 
Church  3  or  4  Miles  to  the  right. — 

84 


^^^]  October  Mdcd^.^^^^'"^. 


C  Notwithstanding  a  good  deal  of  Rain  fell  in 
the  Night  and  the  continuance  of  it  this  morn- 
ing (which  lasted  till  about  lo  Oclock)  I  break- 
fasted by  Candlelight,  and  Mounted  my  horse 
soon  after  daybreak;  and  having  Capt?  Ashby 
for  a  guide  thro'  the  intricate  part  of  the  Road 
(which  ought,  tho'  I  missed  it,  to  have  been  by 
Prince  William  old  Court  H?)  I  arrived  at  Col- 
chester, 30  Miles,  to  Dinner;  and  reached 
home  before  Sun  down;  having  travelled  on  the 
same  horses  since  the  first  day  of  September  by 
the  computed  distances  680  Miles. — 

And  tho'  I  was  disappointed  in  one  of  the 
objects  which  induced  me  to  undertake  this 
journey  namely  to  examine  into  the  situation 
quality  and  advantages  of  the  Land  which  I 
hold  upon  the  Ohio  and  Great  Kanhawa — and 
to  take  measures  for  rescuing  them  from  the 
hands  of  Land  Jobbers  and  Speculators — who 
I  had  been  informed  regardless  of  my  legal  & 
equitable  rights.  Patents,  &c^;  had  enclosed 
them  within  other  Surveys  &  were  offering 
them  for  Sale  at  Philadelphia  and  in  Europe. — 

85  Europe. — 


Washington  s  Diary  [^^^ 

I  say  notwithstanding  this  disappointment  I  am 
well  pleased  with  my  journey,  as  it  has  been  the 
means  of  my  obtaining  a  knowledge  of  facts — 
coming  at  the  temper  &  disposition  of  the 
Western  Inhabitants — and  making  reflections 
thereon,  which,  otherwise,  must  have  been  as 
wild,  incoher*,  or  perhaps  as  foreign  from  the 
truth,  as  the  inconsistency,  of  the  reports  which 
I  had  received  even  from  those  to  whom  most 
credit  seemed  due,  generally  were 

These  reflections  remain  to  be  summed  up 


The  more  then  the  Navigation  of  Poto- 
mack  is  investigated,  &  duely  considered,  the 
greater  the  advantages  arising  from  them  ap- 
pear.— 

The  South  or  principal  branch  of  Shannon- 
doah  at  My  Lewis's  is,  to  traverse  the  river,  at 
least  150  Miles  from  its  Mouth;  all  of  which, 
except  the  rapids  between  the  Bloomery  and 
Keys's  ferry,  now  is,  or  very  easily  may  be  made 
navigable  for  inland  Craft,  and  extended  30 
Miles  higher. — The  South  Branch  of  Potomack 
is  already  navigated  from  its  Mouth  to  Fort 

86  Fort 


Summary 

Pleasant;  which,  as  the  Road  goes,  is  40  com- 
puted Miles;  &  the  only  difficulty  in  the  way 
(and  that  a  very  trifling  one)  is  just  below  the 
latter,  where  the  River  is  hemmed  in  by  the 
hills  or  mountains  on  each  side — From  hence, 
in  the  opinion  of  Col°  Joseph  Neville  and 
others,  it  may,  at  the  most  trifling  expense  imag- 
inable, be  made  navigable  50  Miles  higher. — 

To  say  nothing  then  of  the  smaller  Waters, 
such  as  Patterson's  Creek,  Cacapehen,  Opeckon 
&c^;  which  are  more  or  less  Navigable; — and 
of  the  branches  on  the  Maryland  side,  these 
two  alone  (that  is  the  South  Branch  &  Shan- 
nondoah)  would  afford  water  transportation  for 
all  that  fertile  Country  between  the  bleu  ridge 
and  the  Alligany  Mountains;  which  is  immense 
—  but  how  trifling  when  viewed  upon  that 
immeasurable  scale,  which  is  inviting  our  at- 
tention ! 

The  Ohio  River  embraces  this  Common- 
wealth from  its  Northern,  almost  to  its  South- 
ern limits.  —  It  is  now,  our  western  boundary. 
— &  lyes  nearly  parallel  to  our  exterior,  & 
thickest  settled  Country. — 

Into  this  River  French  Creek,  big  bever 
87  bever 


Washington  s  Diary 


[Beaver]  Creek,  Muskingham,  Hockhocking, 
Scioto,  and  the  two  Miamis  (in  its  upper  Re- 
gion) and  many  others  (in  the  lower)  pour 
themselves  from  the  westward  through  one  of 
the  most  fertile  Country's  of  the  Globe;  by  a 
long  inland  navigation;  which,  in  its  present 
state,  is  passable  for  Canoes  and  such  other 
small  craft  as  has,  thitherto,  been  made  use  of 
for  the  Indian  trade. — 

French  Creek,  down  w"^^  I  have  myself 
come  to  Venango,^"^  from  a  lake  near  its  source, 
is  15  Miles  from  Prisque  [Pres'que]  Isle^*'''  on 
lake  Erie;  and  the  Country  betw''  quite  level. 
— Both  big  bever  creek  and  Muskingham,  com- 
municates very  nearly  with  Cuyahoga;  which 
runs  into  lake  Erie ;  the  portage  with  the  latter 
(I  mean  Muskingham)  as  appears  by  the  Maps, 
is  only  one  mile;  and  by  many  other  acc*^  very 
little  further;  and  so  level  between,  that  the 
Indians  and  Traders,  as  is  affirmed,  always  drag 
their  Canoes  from  one  River  to  the  other  when 
they  go  to  War — to  hunt, —  or  trade. — The 
great  Miame,  which  runs  into  the  Ohio,  com- 
municates with  a  River  of  the  same  name 
[Maumee],  as  also  with  Sandusky,  which  empty 

8  8  empty 


Summary 

themselves  into  lake  Erie,  by  short  and  easy- 
Portages. — And  all  of  these  are  so  many  chan- 
nels through  which  not  only  the  produce  of 
the  New  States,  contemplated  by  Congress,^''^ 
but  the  trade  of  all  the  lakes,  quite  to  that  of 
the  Wood,  may  be  conducted  according  to  my 
information,  and  judgement — at  least  by  one 
of  the  Routs — thro'  a  shorter,  easier,  and  less 
expensive  communication  than  either  of  those 
which  are  now,  or  have  been  used  with  Canada, 
New  Y^  or  New  Orleans. — 

That  this  may  not  appear  an  assertion,  or 
even  an  opinion  unsupported,  I  will  examine 
matters  impartially,  and  endeavour  to  state 
facts. — 

Detroit  is  a  point,  thro'  which  the  Trade  of 
the  Lakes  Huron,  &  all  those  above  it,  must 
pass,  if  it  centres  in  any  State  of  the  Union  -^^ 
or  goes  to  Canada;  unless  it  should  pass  by  the 
River  Outawais  [Ottawa],  which  disgorges  it- 
self into  the  S^  Lawrence  at  Montreal  and 
which  necessity  only  can  compel ;  as  it  is  from 
all  acc*^  longer  and  of  more  difficult  navigation 
than  the  S*  Lawrence  itself. — 

To    do    this,    the    Waters    which    empty 
89  empty 


Washington  s  Diary 


into  the  Ohio  on  the  East  Side,  &  which  com- 
municate nearest  and  best  with  those  which  run 
into  the  Atlantic,  must  also  be  delineated — 

These  are,  Monongahela  and  its  branches, 
viz,  Yohiogany  &  Cheat. — and  the  little  and 
great  Kanhawas;  and  Greenbrier  which  emptys 
into  the  latter. — 

The  first  (unfortunately  for  us)  is  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  Pennsylvania  from  its  Mouth  to 
the  fork  of  the  Cheat,  indeed  2  Miles  higher — 
as  (which  is  more  to  be  regretted)  the  Yohio- 
gany also  is,  till  it  crosses  the  line  of  Maryland ; 
these  Rivers  I  am  persuaded,  afford  tnuch  the 
shortest  Routs  from  the  Lakes  to  the  tide  water 
of  the  Atlantic,  but  one  not  under  our  controul ; 
being  subject  to  a  power  whose  interest  is  op- 
posed to  the  extension  of  their  navigation,  as  it 
would  be  the  inevitable  means  of  withdrawing 
from  Philadelphia  all  the  trade  of  that  part  of 
its  western  territory,  which,  lyes  beyond  the 
Laurel  hill. — Though  any  attempt  of  that 
Government  to  restrain  it  I  am  equally  well 
persuaded  w'^  cause  a  separation  of  their  terri- 
tory; there  being  sensible  men  among  them 
who  have  it  in  contemplation  at  this  moment. 

90  moment. 


Summary 

— but  this  by  the  by. —  the  Httle  Kanhawa, 
which  stands  next  in  order,  &  by  Hutchins's 
table^^^^'of  distances  (between  Fort  Pitt  and  the 
Mouth  of  the  River  Ohio)  is  1845^  Miles  be- 
low the  Monongahela,  is  navigable  between  40 
and  50  Miles  up  to  a  place  called  Bullstown. 
— Thence  there  is  a  Portage  of  93^  Miles  to 
the  West  fork  of  Monongahela — Thence  along 
the  same  to  the  Mouth  of  Cheat-River,  and  it 
to  the  Dunker  bottom ;  from  whence  a  portage 
may  be  had  to  the  N°  branch  of  Potomack. 

Next  to  the  little,  is  the  great  Kanhawa; 
which  by  the  above  Table  is  98^  miles  still 
lower  down  the  Ohio. —  This  is  a  fine  Naviga- 
ble river  to  the  Falls;  the  practicability  of 
opening  which,  seems  to  be  little  understood; 
but  most  assuredly  ought  to  be  investigated. 

These  then  are  the  ways  by  which  the 
Produce  of  that  Country;  &  the  peltry  and  fur 
trade  of  the  Lakes  may  be  introduced  into  this 
State;  &  into  MaryP;  which  stands  upon  simi- 
lar ground. — There  are  ways,  more  difficult  & 
expensive  indeed  by  which  they  can  also  be 
carried  to  Philadelphia — all  of  which,  with 
the  Rout  to  Albany,  &  Montreal, — and  the 

91  the 


Washington  s   Diary 


distances  by  Land,  and  Water,  from  place  to 
place,  as  far  as  can  be  ascertained  by  the  best 
Maps  now  extant — by  actual  Surveys  made 
since  the  publication  of  them — and  the  infor- 
mation of  intelligent  persons — will  appear  as 
follow — from  Detroit — which  is  a  point,  as 
has  been  observed,  as  unfavorable  for  us  to  com- 
pute from  (being  upon  the  North  Western  ex- 
tremity of  the  United  territory)  as  any  beyond 
Lake  Erie  can  be. — 

viz  — 

From  Detroit  to  Alexandria 

is 

To  Cuyahoga  River  -     -     -     -  125  Miles 

Up  the  same  to  the  Portage  60 

Portage  to  Bever  C"  -     -     -  8 

Down  Bever  C*'  to  the  Ohio  85 

Up  the  Ohio  to  Fort  Pitt     -  25      303 

The  Mouth  of  Yohiogany  -  15 

Falls  to  Ditto       _     -     -     _  ^o 

Portage  -----  i 

Three  forks  or  Turkey  foot  8 
92 


Summary 

Fort  Cumber l'^  or  Wills  Creek     30 
Alexandria     -----     200      304 


Total      -----  607" 

To  Fort  Pitt — as  above-     -     -  303 

The  Mouth  of  Cheat  River  75 

Up  it,  to  the  Dunker  bottom  25 

North  Branch  of  Potomack  20 

Fort  Cumberland      -     -     -  40 

Alexandria     -----  200      360 

To  Alexand^  by  this  Rout    -     -  663 

From  Detroit  to  Alexandria  avoiding 
Pensylvania^ 

To  the  M°  of  Cuyahoga       -     -      125  Miles 
The  carrying  place  with 


54 
Muskingham  River 

Portage    -----  i 

The  M°  of  Muskingham     -  192 
The  little  Kanhawa        -     -        12      384 
Up  the  same  -----        40 

Portage  to  the  West  Bra        i  o 

*The  Mouth  of  Cheat  River  &  2  Miles  up  it  is 
in  Pensyl* 

93 


Washington  s  Diary 


Down  Monongahela  to  Cheat  80 
Up  Cheat  to  the  Dunker  hot"'   25 

Portage  to  the  N°  bra. 

Potom''  -----  20 
Fort  Cumberland  -  -  -  40 
Alexandria      -----      200     415 


Total  by  this  Rout      -  799 

From  Detroit  to  Richmond 

To  the  Mouth  of  the  little  Kanha- 

wa  as  above  -----  384 

The  Great  Kanhawa  by  Hutch- 

in's  Table  of  Distances  -        98)^ 

The  Falls  of  the  Kanhawa  from 
information    -     -     -     -        90 
A  Portage  (supp^)    -     -        10 

The  Mouth  of  Green  brier  &  up 
it  to  the  Portage  -     -     -        50 
Portage  to  James  R""       -        33      281 


Richmond      -----  ij^ 


Total  ------  840 

CNote — This   Rout  may  be   more   incorrect   than 
either  of  the  foregoing,  as  I  had  only  the  Maps,  and 

94  and 


Summary 

vague  information  for  the  Portages — and  for  the  dis- 
tances from  the  Mouth  of  the  Kanhawa  to  the  Carry- 
ing place  with  Jacksons  (that  is  James)  River  and 
the  length  of  that  River  from  the  Carrying  place  to 
Richmond — the  length  of  the  carrying  place  above 
is  also  taken  from  the  Map  tho'  from  Information 
one  would  have  called  it  not  more  than  20  Miles. 

From  Detroit  to  Philadelphia 
is 

Miles 
To  Presque  Isle      -     _     _     _     _  245 

Portage  to  Lebeauf  -  -  -  i^ 
Down  french  Creek  to  Venango  75 
Along  the  Ohio  to  Toby's  Creek        25      115 


To  the  head  spring  of  D"^       -      -  45 
By   a   strait   line    to    the    nearest 

Water  of  Susque^  _      _      _      _  i  ^ 

Down  the  same  to  the  West  branch  50 

Fort  Augusta  at  the  Fork     -     -  125 

Mackees  (or  Mackoneys)  C"  -     -  12 

Up  this  --------  25 

By  a  strait  line  to  Schuylk'    -      -  15 

Reading        -------  ^2 

Philadelphia      -     -     -     -     -     -  62      381 

Total     ------  741 

95 


Washington  s  Diary 


By  another  Rout 

To  Fort  Pitt  as  before      -     -  -  ^03 

Up  the  Ohio  to  Tobys  C^  -  95 

Thence  to  Phil^  as  above  -  381 


Total     ------  jjg 

C  Note — The  distances  of  places  from  the  Mouth 
of  Tobys  Creek  to  Philad^  are  taken  wholly  from  a 
comparative  view  of  Evan's  and  Sculls  Maps — The 
number,  and  length  of  the  Portages,  are  not  attempted 
to  be  given  with  greater  exactness  than  these — and 
for  want  of  more  competent  Knowledge,  they  are 
taken  by  a  strait  line  between  the  sources  of  the  dif- 
ferent Waters  which  by  the  Maps  have  the  nearest 
communication  with  each  other — consequently,  these 
Routs,  if  there  is  any  truth  in  the  Maps,  must  be 
longer  than  the  given  distances — particularly  in  the 
Portages,  or  Land  part  of  the  Transportation,  because 
no  Road  among  Mount"*  can  be  strait — or  waters 
navigable  to  their  fountain  heads. 

From  Detroit  to  Albany 
is 

To  Fort  Erie,  at  the  N   end  of 

Lake  Erie       -----      350 

96 


Summary 


Fort  Niagara —  1 8  Miles  of 

w^^  is  Land  transp"  -     -        30      380 

Oswego     ------  175 

Fall  of  Onondaga  River        -  12 

Portage  -----  i 

Oneida  Lake  by  Water  -     -  40 

Length  of  D°  to  Wood  C^    -  18 
Wood    C'   very    small    and 

Crooked       -     -     _     -  25 

Portage  to  Mohawk     -  i        97 

Down  it  to  the  Portage  -  -  60 
Portage        -     -     -     -  i 

Schenectady  -----  z^^ 

Portage  to  Albany  -     -  15      131 

In  all      -----  783" 

To  the  City  of  New  York    -     -  160 

Total      -----  943 

Fro?n  Detroit  to  Montreal 
is 
To  Fort  Niagara  as  above     -     -  380 

North  end  of  Lake  Ontario       225 

97 


Washington  s  Diary 


Oswegatche    -----  60 

Montreal — very  rapid   -     -  iio      395 

Inall      -     -     -     -     -  jj^' 

To  Quebec      ------  180 


Total      -     -     -     -     _  955 

Admitting  the  preceding  Statement,  which 
as  has  been  observed  is  given  from  the  best  and 
most  authentic  Maps  and  papers  in  my  posses- 
sion— from  information — and  partly  from  ob- 
servation, to  be  tolerably  just,  it  would  be 
nugatory  to  go  about  to  prove  that  the  Country 
within,  and  bordering  upon  the  Lakes  Erie, 
Huron,  &  Michigan  would  be  more  convenient 
when  they  came  to  be  settled — or  that  they 
would  embrace  with  avidity  our  Markets,  if  we 
should  remove  the  obstructions  which  are  at 
present  in  the  way  to  them. — 

It  may  be  said,  because  it  has  been  said,  & 
because  there  are  some  examples  of  it  in  proof, 
that  the  Country  of  Kentucke,  about  the  Falls, 
and  even  much  higher  up  the  Ohio,  have 
carried  flour  and  other  articles  to  New  Orleans 
— but  from  whence  has  it  proceeded? — Will 

98  Will 


Summary 

any  one  who  has  ever  calculated  the  difference 
between  Water  &  Land  transportation  wonder 
at  this? — especially  in  an  infant  settlement 
where  the  people  are  poor  and  weak  handed 
— and  pay  more  regard  to  their  ease  than  to 
loss  of  time,  or  any  other  circumstance? 

Hitherto,  the  people  of  the  Western  Coun- 
try having  had  no  excitements  to  Industry, 
labour  very  little; — the  luxuriancy  of  the  Soil, 
with  very  little  culture,  produces  provisions  in 
abundance — these  supplies  the  wants  of  the  en- 
creasing  population  —  and  the  Spaniards  when 
pressed  by  want  have  given  high  prices  for  flour 
—  other  articles  they  reject;  &  at  times,  (con- 
trary I  think  to  sound  policy)  shut  their  ports 
against  them  altogether — but  let  us  open  a 
good  communication  with  the  Settlements  west 
of  us — extend  the  inland  Navigation  as  far  as 
it  can  be  done  with  convenience — and  Shew 
them  by  this  means,  how  easy  it  is  to  bring  the 
produce  of  their  Lands  to  our  Markets,  and  see 
how  astonishingly  our  exports  will  be  increased; 
and  these  States  benefitted  in  a  commercial 
point  of  view  —  w'^^  alone  is  an  object  of  such 
Magnitude  as  to  claim  our  closest  attention  — 

99  attention — 


Washington  s   Diary 


but  when  the  subject  is  considered  in  a  political 
point  of  view,  it  appears  of  much  greater  im- 
portance. 

No  well  informed  Mind  need  be  told,  that 
the  flanks  and  rear  of  the  United  territory  are 
possessed  by  other  powers,  and  formidable  ones 
too — nor  how  necessary  it  is  to  apply  the 
cement  of  interest  to  bind  all  parts  of  it  together, 
by  one  indissoluble  band — particularly  the 
middle  States  with  the  Country  immediately 
back  of  them  —  for  what  ties  let  me  ask, 
should  we  have  upon  those  people;  and  how 
entirely  unconnected  sho?  we  be  with  them 
if  the  Spaniards  on  their  right  or  great  Britain 
on  their  left,  instead  of  throwing  stumbling 
blocks  in  their  way  as  they  now  do,  should  en- 
vite  their  trade  and  seek  alliances  with  them? 
— What,  when  they  get  strength,  which  will 
be  sooner  than  is  generally  imagined  (from  the 
emigration  of  Foreigners  who  can  have  no  pre- 
deliction  for  us,  as  well  as  from  the  removal 
of  our  own  Citizens)  may  be  the  consequence  of 
their  having  formed  such  connections  and  alli- 
ances, requires  no  uncommon  foresight  to  pre- 
dict.— 

I  GO 


Summary 

The  Western  Settlers — from  my  own  ob- 
servation—  stand  as  it  were  on  a  pivet — the 
touch  of  a  feather  would  almost  incline  them 
any  way  —  they  looked  down  the  Mississippi 
until  the  Spaniards  (very  impolitically  I  think 
for  themselves)  threw  difficulties  in  the  way, 
and  for  no  other  reason  that  I  can  conceive 
than  because  they  glided  gently  down  the 
stream,  without  considering  perhaps  the  tede- 
ousness  of  the  voyage  back,  &  the  time  neces- 
sary to  perform  it  in ; —  and  because  they  have 
no  other  means  of  coming  to  us  but  by  a  long 
land  transportation  &  unimproved  Roads. 

A  combination  of  circumstances  make  the 
present  conjuncture  more  favorable  than  any 
other  to  fix  the  trade  of  the  Western  Country 
to  our  Markets. — The  jealous  &  untoward  dis- 
position of  the  Spaniards  on  one  side,  and  the 
private  views  of  some  individuals  coinciding 
with  the  policy  of  the  Court  of  G.  Britain  on 
the  other,  to  retain  the  Posts  of  Oswego,  Niag- 
ara, Detroit  &c^  (which  tho'  done  under  the 
letter  of  the  treaty  is  certainly  an  infraction  of 
the  Spirit  of  it,  &  injurious  to  the  Union)  may 
be  improved  to  the  greatest  advantage  by  this 

I  o  I  this 


Washington  s  Diary 


State  if  she  would  open  her  arms,  &  embrace 
the  means  which  are  necessary  to  establish  it — 
The  way  is  plain,  &  the  expence,  comparitively 
speaking  deserves  not  a  thought,  so  great  would 
be  the  prize — The  Western  Inhabitants  would 
do  their  part  towards  accomplishing  it, —  weak 
as  they  now  are,  they  would,  I  am  pursuaded 
meet  us  half  way  rather  than  be  driven  into 
the  arms  of,  or  be  in  any  wise  dependent  upon, 
foreigners;  the  consequence  of  which  would 
be,  a  seperation,  or  a  War. — 

The  way  to  avoid  both,  happily  for  us,  is 
easy,  and  dictated  by  our  clearest  interest. —  It 
is  to  open  a  wide  door,  and  make  a  smooth  way 
for  the  Produce  of  that  Country  to  pass  to  our 
Markets  before  the  trade  may  get  into  another 
channel — this,  in  my  judgment,  would  dry  up 
the  other  Sources;  or  if  any  part  should  flow 
down  the  Mississippi,  from  the  falls  of  the 
Ohio,  in  Vessels  which  may  be  built — fitted 
for  Sea — &  sold  with  their  Cargoes,  the  pro- 
ceeds I  have  no  manner  of  doubt,  will  return 
this  way ;  &  that  it  is  better  to  prevent  an  evil 
than  to  rectify  a  mistake  none  can  deny — com- 
mercial connections  of  all  others,  are  most  diffi- 

I02  diffi- 


Summary 

cult  to  dissolve — if  we  wanted  proof  of  this, 
look  to  the  avidity  with  which  we  are  renew- 
ing, after  a  total  suspension  of  Eight  years,  our 
corrispondence  with  Great  Britain;  —  So,  if  we 
are  supine,  and  suffer  without  a  struggle  the 
Settlers  of  the  Western  Country  to  form  com- 
mercial connections  with  the  Spaniards,  Brit- 
ons, or  with  any  of  the  States  in  the  Union  we 
shall  find  it  a  difficult  matter  to  dissolve  them 
altho'  a  better  communication  should,  there- 
after, be  presented  to  them  —  time  only  could 
affect  it;   such  is  the  force  of  habit!  — 

Rumseys  discovery  of  working  Boats  against 
stream,  by  mechanical  powers  principally,  may 
not  only  be  considered  as  a  fortunate  invention 
for  these  States  in  general  but  as  one  of  those 
circumstances  which  have  combined  to  render 
the  present  epoche  favorable  above  all  others 
for  securing  (if  we  are  disposed  to  avail  our- 
selves of  them)  a  large  portion  of  the  produce 
of  the  Western  Settlements,  and  of  the  Fur  and 
Peltry  of  the  Lakes,  also. — the  importation  of 
which  alone,  if  there  were  no  political  con- 
siderations in  the  way,  is  immense. — 

It  may  be  said  perhaps,  that  as  the  most 
103  most 


Washington  s  Diary 


direct  Routs  from  the  Lakes  to  the  Navigation 
of  Potomack  are  through  the  State  of  Pensyl- 
vania — and  the  inter*  of  that  State  opposed  to 
the  extension  of  the  Waters  of  Monongahela, 
that  a  communication  cannot  be  had  either  by 
the  Yohiogany  or  Cheat  River; — but  herein 
I  differ. — an  appHcation  to  this  purpose  would, 
in  my  opinion,  place  the  Legislature  of  that 
Commonwealth  in  a  very  delicate  situation. — 
That  it  would  not  be  pleasing  I  can  readily 
conceive,  but  that  they  would  refuse  their  as- 
sent, I  am  by  no  means  clear  in. — There  is, 
in  that  State,  at  least  100,000  Souls  West  of 
the  Laurel  hill,  who  are  groaning  under  the 
inconveniences  of  a  long  land  transportation. — 
They  are  wishing,  indeed  looking,  for  the  ex- 
tension of  inland  Navigation ;  and  if  this  can 
not  be  made  easy  for  them  to  Philadelphia  — 
at  any  rate  it  must  be  lengthy — they  will  seek 
a  Mart  elsewhere;  and  none  is  so  convenient 
as  that  which  offers  itself  through  Yohiogany 
or  Cheat  River.  —  the  certain  consequence 
therefore  of  an  attempt  to  restrain  the  extension 
of  the  Nav.igatioi>  of  these  Rivers,  (so  consonant 
with  the  interest  of  these  people)  or  to  impose 

1 04  impose 


Summary 

any  extra :  duties  upon  the  exports,  or  imports, 
to,  or  from  another  State,  would  be  a  seperation 
of  the  Western  Settlers  from  the  old  &  more 
interior  government;  towards  which  there  is 
not  wanting  a  disposition  at  this  moment  in 
the  former. 


105 


Washington  and  the  Awakening 
of  the  West 


THE  Revolutionary  War  was  over.  The  "  Tri- 
umph," a  French  man-of-war,  arrived  at 
Philadelphia  March  23,  1783,  and  brought  the 
news  of  the  signing  of  the  preliminary  treaty  at 
Paris;  then  peace  was  assured,  bringing  with  it 
independence.  General  Washington  resigned  his 
command  before  Congress  at  Annapolis  in  the  fol- 
lowing December,  and  on  the  day  before  Christ- 
mas he  arrived  at  Mount  Vernon/ 

It  was  a  memorable  home-coming;  and  if  the 
maidens  did  not  cast  flowers  before  him  on  his 
journey  thither  it  was  because  the  season  forbade, 
and  not  because  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen  were 
less  warm  than  when,  eight  years  before,  he  had 
ridden  forth  to  take  command  under  the  Cam- 
bridge Elm.  Few  men  ever  retained  under  simi- 
lar circumstances  —  through  delays  and  retreats 
and  defeats  —  the  unwavering  faith  of  so  many 
people  through  so  many  dark  years. 

But  there  was  great  need  of  his  return  home ; 
as  is  well  known,  Washington  received  for  his 
services  throughout  the  war  nothing  save  only  his 

107 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  i« 

necessary  expenses ;  financially  the  war  had  cost 
him  very  dear;  he  owned  a  large  and  scattered 
estate,  distributed  over  Virginia,  Florida,  New 
York,  Ohio,  Kentucky,  Pennsylvania  and  West 
Virginia.  In  the  management  of  this  property 
nothing  could  take  the  place  of  his  own  personal 
attention  and  shrewd  executive  ability.  It  is  a 
legend  about  Mount  Vernon  that  Washington  was 
extremely  close-fisted ;  most  men  are  —  who  have 
anything  in  their  fists.  At  any  rate,  penurious  or 
no,  Washington  had  ever  paid  strictest  attention 
to  his  affairs,  and  when  everything  fell  to  the  care 
of  overseers  who  could  not  be  diligently  overseen, 
mismanagement  and  considerable  loss  followed. 
He  put  it  very  mildly  when  he  wrote  General 
Schuyler :  "  I  have  been  too  long  absent  for  my  own 
convenience."  A  man  penurious  at  heart  would 
have  allowed  his  country  to  reimburse  him  of  all 
losses ;  this  Washington  could  not  do  if  he  would. 
For  the  following  reason:  while  the  Mount 
Vernon  farms  had  perhaps  made  poorer  returns 
during  this  period  of  neglect,  they  were  still  in  his 
possession ;  but  not  so  with  the  immense  acreage 
which  belonged  to  him  west  of  the  Alleghanies,^ 
where  no  man's  farm  was  safe  unless  diligently 
protected  by  its  owner  from  occupation  by  the 
army  of  immigrants  that  was  pouring  into  the 
West.  Indeed,  upon  a  careful  examination  of  his 
affairs,  Washington  now  found  that  squatters  had 

1 08 


^J  AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

settled  upon  some  of  his  richest  lands,  and,  what 
was  more  exasperating,  that  certain  parts  of  his 
land  were  being  offered  for  sale  in  Philadelphia 
and  in  Europe  by  thieving  land  agents.*  Little 
wonder  that  he  now  wrote  Chevalier  de  la  Luzu- 
rene,  in  reply  to  an  invitation  to  visit  France,  that, 
so  far  from  being  able  to  make  a  trip  abroad,  he 
was  too  old  a  man  to  hope  even  to  bring  his  private 
affairs  to  a  state  of  order  during  the  remainder  of 
his  life !  f 

Therefore  it  now  seemed  to  Washington  neces- 
sary to  make  a  westward  journey  immediately. 
A  very  valuable  tract  of  land  owned  by  him  in 
Pennsylvania  had  been  appropriated  by  about  a 
dozen  families  upon  whom  the  threats  of  his 
agent,  Gilbert  Simpson,^  had  had  no  effect.  Simp- 
son, who  lived  on  the  Youghiogheny  River  at  the 
present  Perryopolis,  Pennsylvania,  on  a  tract  of 
Washington's  land,  had  been  in  his  service  since 
the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution.  J  Since  that  time 
Washington  had  probably  never  had  an  opportu- 
nity to  settle  affairs  with  him.  It  is  clear  that 
Washington  desired  to  hold  on  to  his  lands  on  the 
Ohio  River,  and  make  arrangements  to  sell  that 
which  lay  further  away,  on  the  Great  Kanawha. 
"  My  property  in  that  country,"  he  wrote  one  of 

*  See  ante,  p.  loi. 

t  Jared  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington   (New  York,  1874), 

IX,  57. 

tC  W.  Butterfield,  Washington-Crawford  Letters,  60  seq. 

109 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  '* 

his  correspondents  after  his  return  from  the  jour- 
ney, "  having  previously  undergone  every  kind  of 
diminution,  which  the  nature  of  it  will  admit,  to 
see  the  condition  of  my  lands,  which  were  nearest 
and  settled,  and  to  dispose  of  those,  which  were 
more  remote  and  unsettled,  was  all  I  had  in  view."  * 
He  accordingly  made  an  appointment  to  be  at 
Simpson's  house  on  the  fifteenth  of  the  following 
September,  when  a  public  sale  of  his  co-partner 
interest  with  Simpson  should  be  held.  Simpson 
had  built  Washington's  mill  here  and  managed 
the  twelve  hundred-acre  estate. 

He  chose  as  his  companions  his  nephew Bushrod 
Washington  and  his  old  family  physician.  Dr. 
James  Craik,^  to  whom  he  wrote  on  July  loth  as 
follows :  "  I  have  come  to  a  resolution,  if  not  pre- 
vented by  anything  at  present  unforseen,  to  take  a 
trip  to  the  western  country  this  fall,  and  for  that 
purpose  to  leave  home  the  first  of  September.  .  .  . 
I  mention  all  these  matters,  that  you  may  be  fully 
apprized  of  my  plan,  and  the  time  it  may  probably 
take  to  accomplish  it.  If,  under  this  information, 
it  would  suit  you  to  go  with  me,  I  should  be  very 
glad  of  your  company.  No  other  person  except 
my  nephew,  Bushrod  Washington,  and  that  is  un- 
certain, will  be  of  the  party ;  because  it  can  be  no 
amusement  for  others  to  follow  me  in  a  tour  of 
business,  and  from  one  of  my  tracts  of  land  to 

*  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washitigton,  IX,  58,  note. 
IIO 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

another ;  for  I  am  not  going  to  explore  the  coun- 
try, nor  am  I  in  search  of  fresh  lands,  but  to  se- 
cure what  I  have;  .  .  .  For  this  reason  I  shall 
continue  to  decline  all  overtures,  which  may  be 
made  to  accompany  me.  ...  If  you  go,  you  will 
have  occasion  to  take  nothing  from  hence,  but  a 
servant  to  look  after  your  horses,  and  such  bed- 
ding as  you  may  think  proper  to  make  use  of.  I 
will  carry  a  marquee,  some  camp  utensils,  and  a 
few  stores.  ...  A  few  medicines,  and  hooks  and 
lines,  you  may  probably  want."*  It  appears  later 
that  Washington  was  likewise  supplied  with 
"hooks  and  lines,"  which  the  old  friends  had 
probably  used  on  former  jaunts  like  this  one  now 
planned.  Lafayette  landed  in  New  York  on  the 
fourth  of  the  following  month,  August;  he  came 
immediately  to  Mount  Vernon  to  see  Washington, 
arriving  on  the  seventeenth  and  remaining  until 
August  30th. 

Promptly  on  the  day  appointed,  September  ist, 
the  little  cavalcade  rode  down  the  shady  lanes  of 
Mount  Vernon  and  headed  up  the  Potomac.  I 
fancy  the  General  had  looked  forward,  perhaps 
eagerly,  to  this  day ;  somewhere  between  the  for- 
mal lines  of  his  letters  and  the  commonplace  sen- 
tences of  the  diary  he  now  began,  there  is  a 
hearty,  joyous  note,  as  though  the  man  were  hon- 
estly glad  to  throw  his  leg  over  a  horse  again  for 

*  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  IX,  52-53, 
III 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

one  more  and  his  last  ride  into  the  Alleghanies. 
It  had  been  fourteen  years  since  Washington  had 
visited  the  battlefields  of  his  boyhood;  twelve 
years  previous  to  that  (1758)  he  had  marched 
with  the  "  Head  of  Iron,"  as  the  Indians  called 
Forbes,  to  the  capture  of  Fort  Duquesne;  three 
years  before  (1775)  he  had  gone  over  the  same 
path  he  should  now  pursue,  as  aide  to  General 
Braddock;  he  had  commanded  in  person  the 
Fort  Necessity  campaign  of  1754,  and  in  1753 
had  made  his  first  Western  trip  as  envoy  extraor- 
dinary from  the  Governor  of  Virginia  to  the  French 
forts  on  the  upper  Alleghany.  If  the  man  had  a 
heart  it  surely  warmed  to  the  thought  of  another 
tour  over  this  pathway  with  all  the  heritage  of 
memories  left  by  the  thirty-one  marvelous  years 
since  the  first  memorable  journey  over  it  had  been 
made.  Beyond  the  head  of  the  Potomac  lay  the 
bright,  sunshiny  portals  to  the  forest-bound  Ohio 
Valley— Little  Meadows  and  Great  Meadows  be- 
yond "  the  Shades  of  Death  " ;  there  were  the  fad- 
ing mounds  of  Fort  Necessity,  the  pile  of  stones 
above  Jumonville's  grave  under  the  lonely 
shadow  of  Laurel  Hill  Mountain,  and  the  tram- 
pled resting-place  of  the  brave,  wilful  Braddock, 
who  knew  not  the  word  "  retreat "  until  a  French 
bullet  drove  it  from  his  bleeding  lungs.  I  doubt 
if,  after  his  homestead  acres,  he  loved  any  portion 
of  his  country  as  he  loved  those  sighing  forests 

112 


'-«^       AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

on  the  Ohio  and  its  two  great  tributaries;  if  he 
was  more  the  Father  of  one  portion  of  his  country 
than  another,  he  was  preeminently  the  Father  of 
this  West ;  here  he  had  become  known  to  two  con- 
tinents ;  here  he  had  risked  his  hf e  for  his  country 
as  nowhere  else ;  here  he  had  proposed  to  make  his 
last  stand  for  independence  if  the  Revolution  in 
the  seaboard  States  had  failed;  here  lay  his 
wealth;  thither  he  turned  eagerly,  I  would  fain 
believe,  when  the  Revolution  was  over. 

The  noon  hour  overtook  the  travelers  —  Gen- 
eral Washington  and  Dr.  Craik— near  the  pres- 
ent village  of  Falls  Church  near  Arlington  Ceme- 
tery, where  they  dined  at  the  tavern  kept  by  one 
Trammell,'^  dotibtless  a  relative  of  John  Tram- 
mell  who  gave  the  land  in  the  village  for  the  site 
of  the  Episcopal  Church  of  which  General  Wash- 
ington was  vestryman.  Following  what  is  now 
the  Georgetown-Leesburg  pike,  a  tavern  kept  by 
one  Shepherd,  seventeen  miles  from  Alexandria, 
near  the  present  Difficult  Run,''  was  reached  by 
nightfall;  Washington  owned  300  acres  of  land 
here,*  which  was  latterly  purchased  by  some  of 
the  Shepherd^  family,  which  was  probably  well-to- 
do.  The  baggage  horses  had  suffered  to-day,  and 
on  the  morrow  they  were  left  to  follow  slowly  to 
Leesburg,^  where  the  party  dined,  and  proceeded 
with  the  baggage  to  lay  that  night  at  the  tavern 

*  See  ante,  p.  ii. 
'  113 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  t'"" 

of  one  Israel  Thompson,^  some  thirty-six  miles 
from  Shepherd's. 

Leaving  Dr.  Craik  to  come  slowly  with  the 
baggage,  Washington  proceeded  alone  at  sunrise 
to  the  home  of  his  brother,  Colonel  Charles  Wash- 
ington,^*^ probably  by  way  of  Snicker's  Gap* 
through  the  Blue  Ridge  and  the  present  Castle- 
man's  Ferry  ^^  over  the  Shenandoah  River. 
Charles  was  six  years  younger  than  George;  he 
lived  at  his  homestead,  "Happy  Retreat,"  near  the 
town  laid  out  by  him  and  named  in  his  honor, 
Charlestown,  now  Jefferson  County,  West  Vir- 
ginia. Here  the  General  also  had  property,!  and, 
according  to  appointment  previously  made,t  he 
met  and  transacted  business  with  his  tenants  here. 

A  bevy  of  relatives  and  friends  were  on  hand  to 
welcome  the  distinguished  traveler  at  "Happy 
Retreat."  Washington  was  now  at  the  height 
of  his  fame;  artful  cabals  directed  by  shrewd, 
jealous  rivals  had  failed  either  to  sting  the  patient 
man  into  resignation  or  goad  him  to  undignified 
behavior;  he  had  won  his  war  with  England, 
sufficiently  flattered  the  French,  ignored  the 
jealousy  of  rivals  with  a  fine  disdain,  and  had  come 
out  from  all  the  toils,  which  at  times  threatened 

*  Washington's  route  in  1770.  See  "  Journal  of  a  Tour  to  the 
Ohio,  1770,"  entry  of  November  29,  Sparks,  Writings  of  Wash- 
ington, II,  S34- 

t  See  ante,  p.  11. 

t  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  IX,  52, 

114 


12-14]      AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

his  private  and  public  undoing,  wholly  a  con- 
queror. He  had  held  his  temper  so  under  control 
through  all  the  perplexing  distresses  of  the  eight 
years'  war  that  it  is  an  interesting  problem  much 
discussed  whether  or  no  he  lost  it  at  a  certain 
critical  moment  in  a  strategic  battle.  One  of  the 
party  to  bid  him  welcome  was  his  cousin  Colonel 
(?)  Warner  Washington/^  the  agent  of  Lord 
Fairfax  in  the  county  and  region  in  which  he 
lived,  seventeen  years  George's  senior;  another 
was  the  bold  General  Daniel  Morgan  ^^  from  his 
farm  "  Saratoga "  near  Winchester,  leader  of 
Revolutionary  frontiersmen  from  the  Alleghanies 
and  beyond,  now  forty-eight  years  of  age. 

It  may  well  be  inferred  that  Morgan  was  one 
of  those  whom  Washington  had  directed  to  meet 
him  at  "  Happy  Retreat " ;  the  conversation  be- 
tween them  suggests  this.  We  now  discover 
Washington's  other  mission  ^^  in  his  Western 
journey;  it  may  have  been  at  the  outset  only  an 
incidental  feature  of  his  purpose  in  going  West, 
but  so  far  as  his  diary  represents  him  it  became 
his  one  chief  object,  namely,  as  he  says,  "  to  obtain 
information  of  the  nearest  and  best  communica- 
tion [passageway]  between  the  Eastern  &  West- 
ern Waters;  &  To  facihtate  .  .  .  the  Inland 
Navigation  of  the  Potomack."  The  two  main 
streams  which  form  the  Potomac  are  known 
as  the  "  South  Branch"  and  the  "North  Branch," 

115 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  ^'' 

which  meet  near  Cumberland,  Maryland.  The 
North  Branch  closely  interlocks  in  Garrett  County, 
Maryland,  with  the  heads  of  the  two  main  tribu- 
taries of  the  Monongahela  River,  the  Youghio- 
gheny  and  Cheat  rivers.  So  far  as  a  communi- 
cation between  the  Potomac  and  the  Ohio  River 
was  concerned,  the  problem  resolved  itself  into  a 
study  of  the  navigation  of  the  North  Branch  to  a 
point  near  Fort  Pendleton,  Hardy  County,  West 
Virginia  and  joining  the  Youghiogheny  River 
near  Oakland,  Maryland,  or  the  Cheat  River 
near  Kingwood,  West  Virginia,  with  the  North 
Branch  by  a  canal  or  a  portage  road.  General 
Morgan,  who  had  commanded  that  famous  rifle- 
corps  of  men  from  the  borderland,  would  be  likely 
to  know  many  facts  concerning  the  navigation  of 
the  upper  Potomac  and  the  nature  of  the  country 
between  the  North  Branch  and  the  Youghiogheny 
and  Cheat  rivers.  Thus  W^ashington  doubtless 
argued,  but  he  seems  to  have  overestimated  Mor- 
gan's knowledge ;  exceedingly  little  was  known  of 
the  region  drained  by  the  North  Branch. 

Morgan  did  know  that  a  road  was  being 
planned  running  from  Winchester  westward  "  to 
avoid  if  possible  an  interference  with  any  other 
State."  This  remark  ^^  is  very  interesting,  and 
brings  out  a  matter  of  considerable  moment 
in  that  day.  The  Potomac  River,  the  joint  prop- 
erty of  Maryland  and  Virginia,  stretched  east  and 

ii6 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

west  from  the  Alleghanies  to  the  sea,  across  two 
whole  longitudes.  It  interlocked  closely  in  the 
mountains  with  the  head  waters  of  the  Ohio; 
these  head  streams  were  the  two  Youghiogheny 
rivers  (Big  and  Little)  and  the  Cheat  River.  The 
heads  of  these  streams  and  that  of  the  North 
Branch  were  in  Virginia.  But  before  the  waters 
of  the  Youghiogheny  or  Cheat  reached  the  Ohio, 
at  Pittsburgh,  they  entered  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, Mason  and  Dixon's  Line  having  been  com- 
pleted this  year — 1784.  Suppose  now  that  Vir- 
ginia should  vote  for  the  improvement  of  the 
navigation  of  the  Potomac  and  of  the  Youghio- 
gheny and  the  building  of  a  highway  or  a  canal 
between  them;  these  improvements  could  extend 
only  to  Mason  and  Dixon's  Line.  Would  Penn- 
sylvania improve  the  remainder  of  the  Youghio- 
gheny and  thus  complete  this  line  of  communica- 
tion from  Pittsburgh  and  the  Ohio  River  to 
Alexandria  and  Georgetown  ?  Never.  Pennsyl- 
vania legislators  would  not  raise  a  finger  to  turn 
the  commerce  of  the  Ohio  basin  toward  Virginia 
or  Maryland  ports.  Indeed,  the  spirit  of  rivalry 
was  so  intense  in  this  respect  that  it  would 
hardly  be  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  Penn- 
sylvania would  prefer  seeing  the  trade  beyond 
the  mountains  go  on  down  the  Ohio  to  the 
Spaniards  at  New  Orleans  than  see  it  turned  to 
Virginia.    The  rivalry  of  the  States  at  this  "  criti- 

117 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

cal  period"  along  commercial  lines  was  marvel- 
ously  bitter ;  indeed,  it  was  one  of  the  chief  obsta- 
cles met  by  the  forefathers  when  attempting  to 
frame  a  common  platform  or  Constitution.  The 
numerous  references  to  this  specific  instance  of 
interstate  rivalry  in  the  diary  shows  in  an  in- 
teresting way,  because  purely  incidentally,  the 
power  that  it  exerted  and  the  necessity  of  reckon- 
ing sternly  with  it.  As  late  as  1835  we  find  a  strik- 
ing instance  of  this  same  thing  in  New  England. 
Edward  Everett,  in  an  address  at  Faneuil  Hall 
in  behalf  of  the  Western  (Boston  and  Albany) 
Railroad,  shows  that  western  Massachusetts  was 
linked  commercially  with  New  York  rather  than 
Boston.  "Having  occasion,"  said  the  orator, 
"last  week  to  go  to  Deerfield,  I  took  the  north 
road  from  Worcester,  through  Templeton,  Athol, 
and  the  country  watered  by  Miller's  River.  .  .  . 
And  what,  Mr.  President,  do  you  think  I  saw? 
We  had  scarce  drawn  out  of  the  [Athol]  village, 
and  were  making  our  way  along  through  South 
Orange  and  Erving's  Grant,  when  I  saw  two 
wagons  straining  up  a  hill, —  the  horses'  heads  to 
the  east,— the  wagons  laden  with  crates,  casks 
and  bales  of  foreign  merchandise,  which  had  come 
from  Liverpool,  by  the  way  of  Hartford,  from 
New  York !  I  hold  that,  sir,  a  little  too  much  for 
a  Massachusetts  man  to  contemplate  without 
pain."  *    It  would  be  putting  it  very  mildly  to  say 

*  Orations  and  Speeches  (Boston,  1865),  II,  146. 

1x8 


"1        AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

that  Pennsylvania  would  be  "  pained  "  to  see  the 
trade  of  the  "  Pitt  Country "  passing  up  the 
Youghiogheny  or  Cheat  rivers  toward  the  Poto- 
mac. Another  striking  and  contemporaneous 
instance  of  interstate  jealousy  is  found  in  Penn- 
sylvania's repeated  generosity  in  granting  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railway  a  right  of  way  in 
that  State  and  her  refusal  to  do  this  immediately 
upon  the  formation  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railway 
Company.  Washington  was  a  Virginian  of  Vir- 
ginians, and  he  desired  to  establish  a  great  water 
highway  from  tide-water  to  the  Ohio  and  Great 
Lakes  that  should  be  wholly  in  Virginia.  Know- 
ing that  both  the  Youghiogheny  and  Cheat  led 
into  Pennsylvania,  he  now  became  anxious  to 
find  another  route;  a  substantial  hint  of  this 
came  from  the  landlord  of  the  next  inn  at 
which  he  stopped  on  his  way  to  Bath,  Berkeley 
County. 

Leaving  his  brother's  at  noon  of  September  4th, 
he  reached  the  house  of  one  Stroud,^*'  between 
Opecken  Creek  and  Martinsburg,  by  nightfall. 
Stroud  was  "  not  much  "  on  the  region  between 
the  Potomac  and  Youghiogheny  or  Cheat,  but  he 
had  traversed  the  West  *  and  knew  some  of  its 
characteristics ;  for  instance,  he  told  Washington 

*  Mr.  Stroud  was,  without  doubt,  closely  connected  with  the 
family  of  that  name  which  was  murdered  near  the  Great  Kana- 
wha in  1772.  See  Virgil  A.  Lewis,  History  of  West  Virginia 
(Philadelphia,  1889),  113-114;  R.  G.  Thwaites,  Withers's  Chron- 
icles of  Border  Warfare,  136-137. 

119 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  i" 

of  the  glades  ^"^  of  the  Alleghanies  in  Garrett 
County,  Maryland,  and  Preston  County,  West 
Virginia ;  these  glades  were  then,  even  more  than 
they  are  in  our  day  of  summer  resorts,  the  beau- 
tiful, sunny  spots  in  those  wide  expanses  of 
rugged  heights.  The  largest  glades  are  the  Great 
Glades  of  the  Youghiogheny,  spreading  out  east 
and  west  from  the  "  Yoh  "  River,  as  it  is  called  lo- 
cally. The  Sandy  Creek  Glades  lie  .to  the  west- 
ward of  Briery  Mountain,  along  the  creek  of  that 
name.  Here  fire,  storm,  heat  or  cold  had 
brushed  away  the  forests  and  laurel  thickets,  and 
in  their  place  waved  long  grasses  and  wild  flow- 
ers on  the  highland  mountain  summits.  For 
scores  of  miles  not  a  tree  was  to  be  seen  save 
where  little  rivulets  traced  a  course  toward  the 
Ohio  or  Potomac.  These  smiling  meadows  on 
the  roof  of  the  Alleghanies  are  not  more  popu- 
lar with  summer  tourists  to-day  than  with  the 
large  game-animals,  the  deer,  elk  and  buffalo  of 
a  century  ago.  When  the  pioneers  came  the 
glades  were  the  great  pasture-grounds  for  all 
who  could  reach  them.  Writes  a  traveler  to 
what  is  now  Oakland,  Deer  Park  and  Mountain 
Lake  Park  in  1796:  "  .  .  .  there  is  not  a  tree  to  be 
found,  but  the  ground  is  covered  knee-deep  with 
grass  and  herbs,  where  both  the  botanist  and  the 
cattle  find  delicious  food.  Many  hundred  cat- 
tle are  driven  yearly,  from  the  South  Branch  and 

120 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

other  surrounding  places,  and  intrusted  to  the 
care  of  the  people  who  live  there.  What  can 
be  the  cause  of  this  strange  phenomenon!  One 
can  only  suppose  that  at  one  time  these  glades 
were  covered  with  timber,  which,  overthrown  by 
a  mighty  hurricane,  gradually  dried  and  fell  into 
decay.  But  it  would  take  too  long,"  the  writer 
cautiously  adds,  "  to  give  the  many  reasons  and 
arguments  both  for  and  against  this  supposi- 
tion." *  The  "  Barrens "  of  Kentucky  and  the 
prairies  of  Indiana  and  Illinois  were  similarly  de- 
nuded regions.  "This  destruction  of  the  timber," 
writes  Professor  Shaler,  "  was  brought  about  by 
the  custom,  common  to  the  Western  Indians,  of 
burning  the  grass  of  open  grounds  and  the  under- 
growth of  the  woods,  in  order  to  give  a  more  vig- 
orous pasturage  to  the  buffalo  and  other  large 
game."  f  "  This  [forest  fire]  would  seem  to  have 
been  the  cause,"  writes  R.  T.  Durrett,  "  from  the 
fact  that  so  soon  as  the  Indians  were  driven  from 
the  country  this  region  was  covered  with  a  new 
growth  of  young  trees.  ...  It  is  difficult  to  un- 
derstand how  the  Indians  could  have  set  fire  to  an 
original  forest ;  but  if  this  original  forest  had  been 
once  destroyed  by  drought,  insects,  or  any  other 
agent,  it  is  easy  to  conceive  how  they  might  have 
kept  new  trees  from  growing  by  the  use  of  fire. 

*  Hulbert,  Historic  Highways  of  America,  XII,  80. 

+  N.  S.  Shaler,  Kentucky  (Commonwealth  Series),  28-29. 

121 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  i^^ 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  original  cause  of  the 
Barrens,  they  were  there  contemporaneously  with 
the  Indians,  and  when  the  Indians  were  gone  the 
trees  began  to  grow."  * 

The  "  Great  Glades  of  the  Yoh  "  are  as  popular 
to-day,  and  more  so  than  ever  in  their  history, 
dotted  with  cottages,  hotels,  roomy  farm-houses, 
tennis-courts  and  golf  links  running  across  them 
from  east  to  west  from  Mountain  Lake  Park  to 
Terra  Alta. 

Captain  Stroud  informed  Washington  that  he 
had  learned  from  "old  Capt?  Tho?  Snearen- 
ger,"  ^^  probably  one  of  the  hardy,  pioneer  Swear- 
engin  family  of  the  upper  Ohio,  that  the  navigable 
waters  of  the  Little  Kanawha  River,  which 
empties  into  the  Ohio  River  at  what  is  now  Park- 
ersburg,  West  Virginia,  were  not  far  distant 
from  the  navigable  waters  of  the  Monongahela; 
therefore  if  a  connection  could  be  made  between 
the  Potomac  and  Cheat,  that  river  could  be  de- 
scended to  the  Monongahela;  in  turn,  that  river 
could  be  ascended  to  a  point  nearest  the  Little 
Kanawha ;  when  this  portage  could  be  completed 
the  cargo  could  be  sent  down  to  the  Ohio — never 
having  gone  out  of  the  State  of  Virginia.  This 
was  the  only  all-Virginia  river  route  from  the  Po- 
tomac, if,  indeed,  this  proved  practicable ;  the  only 

*  The  Centenary  of  Louisville  (Filson  Club  Pub. 
No.  8),  12,  note. 

122 


i8i-i9]     AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

other  route  was  from  the  head  of  the  James  River 
to  the  New  River,  a  tributary  of  the  Great  Kana- 
wha, which  emptied  into  the  Ohio  River  at  Point 
Pleasant,  West  Virginia.  A  stranger  stopping 
at  Stroud's  had  just  come  from  Colonel  David 
Shepperd's,^^^  the  old  Wheeling  pioneer,  and  gave 
Washington  a  description  of  the  ancient  Catfish 
Path  (later  Cumberland  National  Road)  route 
from  Wheeling  to  Brownsville,  Pennsylvania. 
Captain  Stroud  had  gone^^  west  in  part  by  the 
route  through  Staunton  and  Warm  Springs 
(Bath  County,  Virginia),  and  Boone's  road 
through  "the  Wilderness"  of  Kentucky  (Bell, 
Knox,  Clay,  etc.,  counties),  leading  to  Boonesbor- 
ough  and  Lexington  in  the  Blue  Grass  Region.* 
The  main  impediment  in  this  route  were  the  falls 
or  rapids  in  both  the  New  and  Great  Kanawha 
rivers,  below  Chisel's  Mine.  When  Washington 
sought  to  introduce  the  bill  permitting  the  forma- 

*This  route  from  Virginia  to  Kentucky  is  thus  given  in  an 
itinerary  by  John  Filson  in  this  year  (1784):  "To  Winchester 
13  (Miles),  To  New  Town  8,  To  Stoverstown  10,  To  Woodstock 
12,  To  Shenandoah  River  15,  To  North  Branch  Shenandoah  29, 
To  Staunton  15,  To  North  Fork  James  River  37,  To  Botetourt 
C.  H.  12,  To  Woods  on  Catawba  River  21,  To  Pattersons  on 
Roanoke  9,  To  Alleghany  Mountain  8,  To  New  River  12,  To 
Forks  of  Road  16,  To  Fort  Chisel  12,  To  Stone  Mill  11,  To 
Boyds  8,  To  Head  of  Holstein  5."  By  this  measurement  it  was 
99  miles  from  Staunton  to  New  River.  The  two  forks  of  the 
James,  Carpenter's  and  Jackson's  rivers,  interlocked  with  the 
two  forks  of  the  Great  Kanawha,  the  Greenbrier  and  New  rivers. 
The  Upper  Roanoke  also  interlocked  with  New  River.  See 
Evans's  Map. 

123 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

tion  of  private  companies  for  the  improvement  of 
the  Potomac,  in  1774,  he  found  strong  champions 
in  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses  for  the  James 
River;  and  his  bill  was  amended  to  favor  that 
river  equally  with  the  Potomac. 

From  this  on  Washington  pursues  steadily  the 
idea  of  joining  the  Potomac  with  the  Ohio  by  way 
of  the  Cheat  and  West  Fork  of  the  Monongahela 
and  Little  Kanawha ;  thus  the  traveler  would  pur- 
sue the  following  remarkable  route  in  passing 
from,  say,  Alexandria,  Virginia,  to  Cleveland, 
Ohio:  (i)  Ascend  the  Potomac;  (2)  ascend  the 
South  Branch;  (3)  cross  a  portage  road  to 
Dunkards  Bottom  on  Cheat  River;  (4)  descend 
Cheat  River  to  junction  with  Monongahela;  (5) 
ascend  Monongahela;  (6)  ascend  West  Fork  of 
Monongahela;  (7)  cross  portage  to  Bullstown  on 
Little  Kanawha;  (8)  descend  Little  Kanawha  to 
Ohio;  (9)  ascend  Ohio  to  Marietta  at  mouth  of 
Muskingum;  (10)  ascend  Muskingum  to  por- 
tage near  Akron,  Ohio;  (11)  cross  portage  to 
Cuyahoga;  (12)  descend  Cuyahoga  to  (future 
site  of)  Cleveland  on  Lake  Erie.  Nothing  more 
desperate  than  this  trip  could  have  been  proposed ; 
even  the  black  troughs  of  Braddock's  Road  seem 
more  propitious  after  a  review  of  this  endless 
river  voyage,  involving  so  many  weeks  of  labor 
against  river  currents.  The  serious  proposal  and 
consideration  of  it  by  so  sane  a  man  as  Washing- 

124 


20-22]      AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

ton   is   a   graphic   commentary   on   the   pioneer 
American  commercial  problem.* 

On  September  5  Washington  pushed  on  to 
Bath,  the  present  Berkeley  Springs,  dining  on  the 
way  at  a  pioneer  tavern  on  Back  Creek,^*^  a  Po- 
tomac tributary.  By  his  will  we  find  that  Wash- 
ington owned  2336  acres  here  in  Berkeley 
County,^^  including  two  lots  at  Bath.  These,  it 
seems,  cost  him  about  £50,  together  with  two 
"  well-situated  and  handsome  buildings  "  costing 
about  £150;  this  whole  property  he  valued  at 
£800,  showing  a  good  investment.  But  the  chief 
interest  attaching  to  his  visit  here  centers  in  his 
meeting  with  "the  ingenius  M^  Rumsey."^^  It 
was  fortunate  and  undoubtedly  prearranged ;  f  at 
least  Rumsey  was  in  full  readiness  to  make  the 
most  of  it.  A  pessimist  would  have  called  both 
men  visionary,  the  one  picturing  the  expanse  of  a 
nation  beyond  a  grisly  mass  of  mountains  where 
hunters  could  hardly  live  and  find  their  way 
about ;  the  other  struggling  with  an  invention  that 
should  make  every  waterway  such  a  bond  by  the 
application  of  a  mechanical  device  to  operate 
boats.  The  plans  of  "  Crazy  Rumsey,"  as  he  was 
known  locally,  were  of  vast  importance  in  Wash- 
ington's scheme ;  the  man  was  born  at  "  Bohemia 
Manor"  in  Cecil  County,  Maryland,  about  1743, 

*  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  I,  582,  585. 
t  Id.,  IX,  105. 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

being,  therefore,  eleven  years  younger  than  his 
illustrious  patron.  For  some  time  he  had  been 
studying  the  mechanical  propulsion  of  boats  on 
the  inland  waters  of  the  United  States ;  the  com- 
mon means  then  known  of  making  craft  ascend 
rivers  was  the  method  of  "poling"  them;  the 
keel-boats  were  thus  propelled;  the  crew  walked 
along  the  "  running  board  "  as  it  was  called,  push- 
ing with  their  shoulders  on  poles  "  set "  in  the  bot- 
tom of  the  stream.  Following  out  this  idea,  Rum- 
sey  had  conceived  one  machine  on  the  order  of 
these  "  setting  poles,"  a  model  of  which  he  now  ex- 
hibited in  private  to  Washington.  The  machin- 
ery of  the  boat  was  made  at  the  old  Cotoctin  Fur- 
nace of  the  Johnson  Brothers,  near  Frederick ;  two 
cylinders,  the  boiler,  pumps  and  pipes  came  from 
Baltimore.  It  was  eighty  feet  long  over  all;  the 
machinery  weighed  665  pounds  and  the  vessel 
three  tons ;  the  machinery  took  up  only  about  four 
feet  square  of  space.  The  exhibition  occurred,  it 
is  said,  in  Sir  John's  Run,  a  Potomac  tributary, 
at  night.  The  General  approved  of  it  and  can- 
didly states  that  what  he  had  formerly  believed 
impossible  was  seemingly  in  the  way  of  realiza- 
tion by  Mr.  Rumsey.  True,  Washington's  de- 
sire to  see  the  project  a  success  undoubtedly 
influenced  his  judgment,  since  it  is  easier  to  be- 
lieve that  which  one  wishes  to  believe ;  Rumsey's 
invention  would  mean  much  to  the  whole  ship- 

126      ' 


23]         AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

ping  world  in  general,  but  in  particular  it  would 
revolutionize  the  trade  on  inland  waters.  It 
was  unfitted  for  deep  waters  where  sailing  craft 
would  still  hold  their  own,  but  on  such  streams  as 
the  Potomac  and  Ohio  the  boat  would  prove  of  in- 
estimable value,  and  the  simplicity  of  its  construc- 
tion, Washington  states,  put  it  within  reach  of 
any  mechanic  either  to  make  or  repair  in  case  of 
accident.  The  expense  of  carrying  freight  at  that 
day  on  inland  waters  was  tremendous,  especially 
upstream ;  it  took  a  crew  of  anywhere  from  four 
to  ten  men  to  handle  a  heavy  keel-boat  or  "  Dur- 
ham "  boat ;  the  wages  and  living  expenses  of  this 
crew,  the  slow  rate  of  speed  attained  and  the  com- 
paratively small  amount  of  cargo  that  could  be 
handled,  sent  the  freight  rates  up  to  a  prohibitive 
figure.  With  boats  of  Rumsey's  pattern  the  crew 
could  be  limited  to  two  or  three  men,  which  meant 
a  great  saving. 

We  can  well  believe  that  Washington  felt  that 
if  the  present  method  did  not  prove  successful, 
Rumsey  was  at  any  rate  on  the  right  track;  at 
least  he  seems  to  have  offered  him  every  encour- 
agement and  assistance  in  his  power.  For  in- 
stance, he  gave  him  work  in  Bath  on  houses  to  be 
built,^^  as  described.  And,  later,  it  will  be  seen,  he 
called  him  to  high  position  in  connection  with  the 
improvement  of  the  Potomac  River.  Washing- 
ton's attitude  to  this  struggling  inventor  is  most 

127 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

interesting  and,  while  comparisons  may  be  odious, 
it  is  a  satisfaction  to  note  that  no  biographer  of 
Washington  can  ever  write,  as  James  Parton  did 
of  Benjamin  Frankhn,  "  One  glory  in  his  old  age 
Franklin  missed  .  .  .  that  of  giving  effectual  aid 
to  this  forlorn,  uncouth  man  of  genius  [Fitch]  in 
his  costly  experiments."  *  Fitch  and  Rumsey 
were  rivals  in  their  field  of  invention,  even  to  "  a 
war  of  pamphlets  " ;  both  seemed  on  the  point  of 
successfully  applying  the  power  of  steam  to  boats, 
but  "  it  is  probable  enough,"  writes  at  least  one 
biographer  of  Fitch,  "that  Rumsey  had  enter- 
tained the  idea  of  propelling  a  boat  by  steam  be- 
fore it  occurred  to  Fitch. "f  It  is  impossible  to 
make  a  categorical  statement,  but  a  query,  at 
least,  is  not  out  of  place :  What  if  Fitch,  who  was 
to  live,  had  met  the  sympathetic,  influential 
Washington  now  in  1784,  and  Rumsey,  whose  life 
was  soon  over,  had  been  the  one  Franklin  turned 
away  empty-handed  and  empty-hearted?  It  is 
difficult  to  tell  just  how  much  of  Rumsey's  short- 
lived success  was  due  to  Washington ;  in  March, 
1786,  he  successfully  propelled  a  boat  by  steam  on 
the  Potomac  River,  on  which  stream  Virginia 
had,  in  1784,  given  him  the  exclusive  rights  of 
navigation  for  ten  years,  acting  on  Washington's 

*  Life  of  Benjamin  Franklin  (New  York,  1864),  II,  548-549- 
\  New  American  Cyclopedia  (New  York,  1859),  VII,  539- 

128 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

advice;*  in  1788  a  Rumsey  Society  was  formed 
in  Philadelphia  (of  which  Franklin  was  a  mem- 
ber), as  that  commonwealth  had  given  the  inven- 
tor exclusive  rights  on  its  waters  the  year  pre- 
vious; in  1792  Rumsey  went  to  England  to 
interest  capitalists  in  his  invention.  In  Decem- 
ber of  that  year  he  successfully  operated  a  steam- 
boat on  the  Thames,  but  before  the  end  of  the 
month  he  was  taken  sick  and  died.  In  1839  by 
joint  act  of  Congress  a  medal  was  awarded  to 
James  Rumsey,  Jr.,  "commemorative  of  his  fa- 
ther's services  and  high  agency  in  giving  to  the 
world  the  benefit  of  the  steamboat."  As,  during 
the  Revolution,  Washington  so  greatly  helped 
the  inventor  Bushnell,  who  was  struggling  with  a 
model  of  a  submarine  boat,t  so  now  he  introduced 
Rumsey's  invention  to  the  world.  Writing  soon 
to  Hugh  Williamson,  a  member  of  Congress,  he 
said:  "...  if  a  model,  or  thing  in  miniature 
is  a  just  representation  of  a  greater  object  in 
practice,  there  is  no  doubt  of  the  utility  of  the 
invention.  A  view  of  his  model  with  the  ex- 
planation removed  the  principal  doubt  I  ever  had 
of  the  practicability  of  propelling  against  a 
stream  by  the  aid  of  mechanical  power ;  but  as  he 
[Rumsey]  wanted  to  avail  himself  of  my  intro- 
duction of  it  to  the  public  attention,  I  chose  pre- 

*  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  XII,  279.      t  Id.,  IX,  134-135. 
^  129 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE         f^^^ 

viously  to  see  the  actual  performance  of  the  model 
in  a  descending  [flowing]  stream  before  I  passed 
my  certificate ;  and  having  done  so,  all  my  doubts 
were  satisfied."  *  Alive  to  the  great  future  he 
had  made  possible,  Washington  was  intensely  in- 
terested in  all  the  factors  which  he  believed  would 
hasten  that  day  of  real  union  and  prosperity. 
Rumsey  was  a  factor  in  the  Awakening  of  Amer- 
ica— through  the  patronage  of  Washington. 

Undoubtedly  Rumsey's  experiments  gave 
Washington  renewed  courage  in  his  plan  of  a 
great  waterway  which  should  bind  the  West  to 
the  East ;  from  one  Colonel  Bruce  ^^  here  at  Bath 
he  learned  that  it  was  only  six  miles  across  from 
the  Potomac  "where  McCullough's  path  crosses 
it "  to  the  Youghiogheny  River ;  this  path,  as  will 
be  seen,f  crossed  the  Potomac  at  Fort  Pendleton, 
West  Virginia,^^  and  was  originally  only  a  buffalo 
trace  to  the  feeding-grounds  in  the  "  Great  Glades 
of  the  Yoh."  Bruce  suggested  an  impossible 
route  to  the  Little  Kanawha,  by  way  of  the 
Youghiogheny,  Sandy  Creek  (a  tributary  of  the 
Cheat),  Cheat,  Monongahela  rivers  and  Ten  Mile 
Creek,  a  tributary  of  the  "  West  Fork  "  of  the  lat- 
ter.f  Washington  urged  Bruce  to  undertake  a 
survey  of  the  country  between  the  Potomac  and 

*  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  IX,  105.  t  See  Note  85. 

t  As  our  map  shows,  there  was  no  connection  whatever  with 
Ten  Miles  Creek  and  the  Little  Kanawha.  See  map  of  Wash- 
ington's route. 

130 


26-29]      AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

Cheat  rivers,  while  he  engaged  to  do  the  same  of 
the  country  between  the  Little  Kanawha  and  Ten 
Mile  Creek. 

On  September  8  the  party,  increased  now  by 
the  addition  of  Dr.  Craik's  son  William  ^^  and 
Bushrod  Washington,"'^  the  twenty-five-year-old 
son  of  Washington's  favorite  brother  John,  de- 
parted westward  by  way  of  Old  Town  and  Cum- 
berland, Maryland.  Washington  left  the  others 
twelve  miles  from  Bath,  near  the  present  village 
of  Little  Orchard,  Maryland,  opposite  the  mouth 
of  Fifteen  Mile  Creek,^®  for  a  tract  of  two  hun- 
dred and  forty  acres  of  land  he  owned  here  in  Vir- 
ginia; "the  lower  end  of  the  land,"  he  writes,  " is 
rich  white  oak  in  places  " ;  Washington  was  an 
experienced  woodsman  ^^  and  knew  well  the  lost 
art  of  judging  land  by  the  size  and  character  of 
the  timber  it  produced.  It  was  more  than  com- 
mon to  say  of  land  that  it  was  "  rich  white  oak  " 
or  "chestnut  oak";  one  of  Washington's  land 
agents  once  wrote  him  of  a  certain  tract,  "The 
hills  are  of  the  poorest  sort,  all  piney.  ..."  * 
To-day  we  go  by  soils,  whereas  when  the  wilder- 
ness was  king  men  went  by  trees.  The  size  of  the 
tree  was  also  a  factor,  together  with  its  species, 
and  it  is  difficult  to  believe  the  stories  that  have 
come  down  to  us  as  to  the  size  of  trees  in  the  pri- 
meval forests  of  the  Middle  West;  Washington 

*  Cf  ante,  pp.  26,  29. 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  ^'"-'^ 

himself  found  a  sycamore  on  the  Ohio  River  in 
1770  that  measured  forty-four  feet  and  ten  inches 
in  circumference, — and  if  it  be  admitted  that  he 
formerly  told  the  truth  about  a  cherry  tree  it  must 
follow  as  the  day  the  night  that  he  could  not  speak 
falsely  of  any  sycamore. 

Old  Town,^"  where  the  travelers  lodged  and 
where  Washington  overtook  them,  was  the  pres- 
ent Old  Town,  Maryland,  opposite  Green  Spring 
Station  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railway;  this 
is  one  of  the  few  towns  that  has  retained  that 
commonest  of  Indian  village  names;  whenever  a 
tribe  of  Indians  resettled  a  spot  previously  occu- 
pied by  their  Indian  or  Mound-building  ancestors 
this  name  was  frequently  employed.  Here  lived 
Colonel  Thomas  Cresap,^^  now  about  as  old  as  his 
century,  far-famed  throughout  borderland  his- 
tory as  Indian  fighter  and  trader  and  one  of  the 
proprietors  of  the  Ohio  Company  of  1748;  after 
many  financial  vicissitudes  Colonel  Cresap  had 
acquired  a  fine  property  here,  at  what  he  called 
"  Skipton,"  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  South 
Branch  (of  the  Potomac).  But  even  Cresap's  re- 
nown could  not  establish  the  name  of  "  Skipton  " 
over  the  old  Shawanese  "  Old  Town."  Here 
Washington  found  a  man  who  gave  a  discourag- 
ing account  of  Ten  Mile  Creek,^^  by  which  Bruce's 
all-Virginia  waterway  was  to  pass  from  the  Mo- 
nongahela  to  Little  Kanawha.     Little  wonder 

132 


BRADDOCK'S    ROAD 

From  "Fort  Cumberland"  to  "Gist's"  was  Washington's  route.  The 
numbers  represent  Braddock's  encampments  in  1755;  No.  7  was  near  Great 
Meadows,  No.  ii  near  "  Mount  Braddock,"  and  No.  9  at  "  Dunbar's  Spring.' 


33-35]     AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

this  man  was  ignorant  "  of  the  Country  "  between 
Ten  Mile  and  the  Little  Kanawha !  * 

On  the  loth  the  travelers  were  off  for  "old 
Fort  Cumberland,"  the  present  Cumberland, 
Maryland,^^  at  which  point  Washington  again 
left  the  party  to  follow  with  the  baggage  and  pro- 
ceeded in  advance  of  them  to  the  old  Gwinn 
place ^^  beyond  the  Alleghany  Mountain  (see 
Washington's  map),  where  he  dined;  hastening 
onward,  he  lay  that  night  at  the  Tomlinson  ^^  tav- 
ern at  Little  Meadows.  Washington's  misspelling 
of  the  name  of  this  pioneer  family,  so  well  known 
between  the  Potomac  and  Ohio  and  in  the  Wheel- 
ing neighborhood,  is  typical  of  his  spelling  of 
proper  names  throughout  his  diary ;  it  is  to  be  ex- 
plained on  the  ground  of  the  indefiniteness  of  his 
information  and  the  lack  of  anything  approxi- 
mating accuracy  on  the  part  of  his  informers. 
One  would  suppose  that  the  name  of  Braddock, 
for  instance,  was  well  enough  known  in  the  Alle- 
ghanies  to  be  written  and  spoken  correctly;  yet  a 
resident  on  Braddock's  Road,  which  Washington 
is  now  following,  once  described  his  home  as  on 
"broadaggs  old  road/'f  What  Washington 
called  "  Tumbersons "  another  traveler,  twelve 
years  later,  called  "  Tumblestone."  % 

*  Cf.  ante,  p.  124,  note. 

t  Hulbert,  Historic  Highways  of  America,  XII,  70. 

tid.,  XII,  67. 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  ^"^ 

Leaving  Tomlinson's  at  earliest  dawn,  Wash- 
ington forded  the  Youghiogheny  at  the  present 
Little  Crossings,^^  and  pushed  on  to  breakfast  at 
"  one  Mounts  or  Mountains,"  ^^  he  did  not  know 
which,*  passing  through  the  dark  tangle  of  laurel 
bushes  known  far  and  wide  as  "  the  Shades 
of  Death."  ^^  Nine  miles  farther  on  he  crossed 
the  larger  Youghiogheny  at  the  present  Smith- 
field,  Pennsylvania,^®  and  rested  that  night  at  the 
tavern  kept  by  one  Daugherty,^°  just  to  the  south 
of  the  present  Farmington,  Pennsylvania.  The 
ruins  of  this  old  "  stand  "  on  Braddock's  Road  are 
plainly  visible  to-day  in  the  woods  to  the  east  of 
Great  Meadows. 

As  I  write,  there  falls  from  my  note-book,  kept 
while  following  Washington's  route  back  and 
forth  in  the  Alleghanies,  a  flood  of  scarlet  leaves; 
and  as  we  picture  the  lonely  figure  of  this  man 
plodding  his  slow  way  through  the  woods  on 
Braddock's  Road,  the  whole  must  be  framed  in  a 
gorgeous  red  and  yellow  frame,  the  early  autum- 
nal heritage  of  the  Alleghany  forests.  But  whe- 
ther he  journeyed  among  sober  or  among  flaming 
trees  it  is  to  be  believed  that  the  man's  thoughts 
ran  to  many  subjects  not  hinted  in  the  diary; 
great  as  the  mass  of  Washington's  literary  re- 
mains seems  to  be,  consisting  of  so  many  letters, 

*  This    taverii    is    called    "  Mountain    Tavern    or    White    Oak 
Springs,"  by  William  Brown,  six  years  later.    Id.,  IV,  195. 


*^]         AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

journals,  diaries  and  memoranda,  it  is  rare  that 
one  can  find  a  single  instance  where  the  man 
breaks  through  the  crust  of  stolid  indifference  of 
everything  that  is  suggested  by  the  words  senti- 
ment and  romance  and  speaks  in  a  reminiscent 
strain.  Several  times  in  after  days  did  this  man 
visit  the  memorable  scenes  of  his  early  life  in 
which  he  became  known  to  a  continent  and  a 
world ;  and  though  he  invariably  kept  a  journal  of 
these  tours  it  is  rare  that  one  word  can  be  found 
referring  to  other  days.  Nor  is  this  diary  of  1784 
any  exception  to  the  rule.  Since  entering  upon 
Braddock's  Road  at  Cumberland,  the  historic 
track  of  so  m.any  hurrying  pilgrims  since  the  ill- 
fated  Braddock  passed  over  it  to  his  grave,  Wash- 
ington was  on  familiar  ground;  counting  all  his 
comings  and  goings,  he  had  passed  over  Brad- 
dock's  Road  eight  times  since  1753,  when  he  first 
fared  Westward  with  Christopher  Gist  as  his 
"pilot."  In  those  thirty-one  years  he  had  been  a 
most  interested  spectator  in  the  long  struggle  of 
the  colonies  in  freeing  themselves  first  from 
French  absorption  and  then  from  British  sover- 
eignty. And  now,  hero  of  the  two  wars  for 
freedom,  the  man  comes  again  over  this  worn 
pathway,  and  early  on  the  morning  of  September 
12  he  rides  through  the  heavy  fog  into  Great 
Meadows,"*^  the  one  bright,  sunny  spot  in  a  hun- 
dred miles  of  mountain.     As  was  most  proper, 

135 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST  t42 

Washington  had  purchased  the  two  hundred  and 
thirty-seven  acres  *  here  ^^  on  which  he  had 
fought  his  first  battle  from  within  his  "  fort " —  a 
doggedly  argued  affair  against  hopeless  odds,  his 
poor  handful  of  men  crouching  all  day  in  dripping 
trenches,  empty  of  food  (because  there  was  none) 
and  full  of  liquor.  It  was  in  the  eternal  fitness  of 
things  that  this  man  should  own  the  spot  of 
ground  where  he  had  had  his  first  lesson  in  com- 
manding half-clad,  hungry  men  in  the  noblest 
cause  in  which  a  musket  or  hot,  barking  swivel 
ever  spoke.  But  that  was  thirty  years  ago ;  then 
the  tall  young  lad  spoke  of  the  Meadows  exuber- 
antly as  a  "  charming  field  for  an  encounter  " ;  at 
the  same  time,  it  will  be  remembered,  he  wrote 
that  the  flying  bullets  at  the  attack  on  Jumon- 
ville's  "embassy"  had  a  "charming  sound"; 
when  asked  later  in  life  if  he  had  uttered  the 
words  he  said  that,  if  so,  it  was  "when  he  was 
very  young."  So,  in  the  present  case,  these  thirty 
taxing  years  on  top  of  the  twenty  youthful  ones 
has  brought  a  vast  change  and  Great  Meadows, 
from  being  a  "  charming  field  for  an  encounter," 
was  merely  "  capable  of  being  turned  to  great  ad- 
vantage ...  &  the  upland.  East  of  the  Meadow, 
is  good  for  grain"!  Indeed,  in  Washington's 
record  of  this  his  last  tour  over  Braddock's  Road 

*  Butterfield,  The  Washington-Crawford  Letters,  l6. 
See  ante,  p,  lo. 

136 


Plat  of  Washington's  farm  in  Great  Meadows,  near 
Farmington,  Pennsylvania 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

the  reader  will  search  in  vain  for  one  word  that 
will  hint  that  Washington  had  ever  been  over  the 
Alleghanies  before !    Such  was  the  man. 

I  care  not  how  widely  you  may  have  traveled, 
you  have  missed  a  peculiar  pleasure  if  you  have 
not  climbed  Laurel  Hill,  the  last  range  of  the  Alle- 
ghany ranges  westward,  and  visited  Dunbar's 
Camp,  Braddock's  Grave  and  Great  Meadows.  It 
is,  physically,  a  tiresome  trip,  but  a  day  in  the 
Alleghanies  is  as  a  generation  in  the  rushing 
world  without ;  and  on  one  of  those  glittering  au- 
tumn days,  the  air  like  wine,  you  feel  that  the 
forests  which  flank  Great  Meadows  to-day  speak 
continuously  of  that  somber  past.  The  sounds  of 
trampling  feet,  the  crack  of  the  rifles  and  the  bay- 
ing of  the  angry  swivels,  the  groans  and  battle- 
cries  seem  to  have  died  away  only  a  moment  or 
two  ago.  You  look  quickly  now  and  then  through 
the  vista  of  flaming  trees  and  feel  that  one  of 
Washington's  ragged,  red  Virginians  has  just 
passed  over  the  brow  of  the  knoll  beyond;  the 
leaves  still  stir  in  his  wake.  And  then,  as  a  climax 
to  your  day-dream,  you  fall  upon  the  remains  of 
Braddock's  Road,  that  strange  broad  track  that 
was  the  first  artery  between  the  East  and  the 
West.  Remember  it  not  as  the  route  of  an  army 
of  soldiers  but  rather  as  the  path  of  that  army  of 
pioneers  with  axes  on  their  shoulders  —  axes  that 
should  sing  a  truer  tune  than  ever  a  musket 
crooned.    None  of  all  the  millions  who  passed  this 

138 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

way  to  that  West,  of  which  Washington  was  the 
first  prophet  and  first  promoter,  ever  dreamed  of 
leaving  a  monument  here;  but  those  very  feet, 
tired  and  often  bleeding,  have  left  a  memorial 
which  storm  nor  frost  are  able  to  erase.  A  mil- 
lennium of  years  will  not  obliterate  this  track  of 
hunters,  explorers,  missionaries,  armies  and  host 
of  pioneers;  and  as  the  dreams  and  hopes  and 
fears  and  visions  of  that  phantom  host  were  price- 
less to  the  cause  of  liberty  in  this  land,  so  that 
track  made  by  their  hurrying  feet  will  ever  be 
dear  to  all  who,  like  them,  hold  that  liberty  to  be 
a  precious  thing.  "  There  are  no  Alleghanies  in 
my  politics,"  said  the  great  expounder  of  the  Con- 
stitution;* this  was  the  mission  of  Braddock's 
Road  and  the  key-note  of  Washington's  policy 
through  forty  years.  All  Europe  trembled  when 
the  fourteenth  Louis  said  to  his  grandson,  whom 
he  had  made  King  of  Spain,  "  There  are  no  longer 
any  Pyrenees  " ;  this  was  the  burden  of  the  song 
sung  by  the  axes  that  hewed  Braddock's  Road — 
"  there  are  no  longer  any  Alleghanies  " ;  and  the 
continent  trembled,  not  for  fear,  truly,  but  under 
the  feet  of  millions  who  made  it  possible  for  a 
company  of  united  States  to  live.  Washington 
now  sought  only  to  annihilate  the  Alleghanies 
more  effectively  than  Braddock's  Road  had  done, 
by  a  better  means  of  communication. 

The  last  years  of  the  Revolution  had  been  par- 

*The  Works  of  Daniel  Webster  (Boston,  1858),  IV,  250. 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE         f«-*« 

ticularly  bloody  years  in  the  West,  Crawford's 
defeat  in  Ohio  and  the  Battle  of  Blue  Licks  in 
Kentucky  quite  reaching  the  high-water  mark  of 
savage  gluttony.  Now  in  1784  the  great  immi- 
gration which  should  never  be  stopped  had  just 
begun;  of  this  Washington  saw  signs  as  he 
pushed  on  by  Great  Meadows,  Braddock's  Grave, 
Jumonville's  Grave  and  Dunbar's  Spring  to  the 
old  Gist  homestead  on  the  present  Mount  Brad- 
dock,  Fayette  County,  Pennsylvania,^^  where  the 
old  pioneer  Christopher  Gist  had  settled  more 
than  thirty  years  back,  and  where  the  third  son, 
Thomas,  now  lived  at  the  old  spring-site ;  twelve 
miles  further  on,  on  the  present  site  of  Perryopo- 
lis,  was  the  home  of  Gilbert  Simpson  ^**  on  Wash- 
ington's twelve-hundred-acre  tract  at  this  point  on 
the  Youghiogheny  River.*  Here  Washington 
arrived  at  five  in  the  evening  of  September  12. 
During  the  last  day  or  two  he  met  a  large  number 
of  traders  ^^  on  Braddock's  Road  and  he  missed 
no  opportunity  of  asking  them  concerning  the 
navigation  problem.  He  learned  again  that  Ten- 
Mile  Creek  was  absolutely  impassable  and  did  not 
lead  anywhere  near  the  Little  Kanawha,^^  and, 
what  was  far  more  discouraging,  that  the  line 
(Mason  and  Dixon's)  just  now  surveyed  between 
Pennsylvania   and  Virginia   crossed  the   Cheat 

*This  tract  was  sold  before  the  making  of  Washington's  will; 
therefore  it  is  not  mentioned  in  our  summary,  ante,  pp.  1 1,  12. 

140 


*7-^]      AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

River  several  miles  above  the  junction  of  the 
Cheat  and  Monongahela  at  the  present  town  of 
Point  Marion  in  West  Virginia  ^'^ — which  de- 
prived Virginia  of  the  control  of  that  stream  as 
she  was  deprived  of  the  control  of  the  Youghio- 
gheny.  It  was  clear,  now,  that  the  hope  of  an  all- 
Virginian  route  from  the  Potomac  to  the  Ohio  was 
futile,  so  far  as  the  plans  heretofore  proposed 
were  concerned.  The  use  of  either  of  the  rivers 
Youghiogheny  or  Cheat  necessitated  the  coopera- 
tion of  Pennsylvania  with  Virginia  in  order  to 
achieve  success,  even  if  the  canalization  of  them, 
which  seemed  doubtful  from  the  traders'  reports, 
was  possible. 

Two  courses  of  action  were  now  open;  and 
while  Washington  was  now  engrossed  for  some 
days  in  private  affairs  he  did  not  forget  this 
greater  project  which  he  believed  meant  much 
good  for  his  country.  However,  the  prosecution 
of  his  journey  to  the  Great  Kanawha  seemed  im- 
possible, for,  from  the  traders'  reports,  the  Indians 
were  hostile,  because  of  efforts  at  surveying 
northwest  of  the  Ohio  River,  the  treaty  of  Fort 
Mcintosh  ^^  not  being  held  until  two  years  later.* 

On  the  day  after  his  arrival  Washington  vis- 
ited his  old  mill  on  what  is  now  Washington's 

*  A  treaty  between  the  United  States,  represented  by  Arthur 
Lee,  Richard  Butler  and  George  Rogers  Clark,  and  the  Wyan- 
dots,  Chippewas,  Delawares  and  Ottawas.  Thwaites,  Withers's 
Chronicles  of  Border  Warfare,  366. 

141 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  t*^ 

Run,  three  fourths  of  a  mile  from  the  Youghio- 
gheny  River."*^  This  was  one  of  the  first  mills 
built  west  of  the  Alleghanies,  the  millstones  being 
dug  out  of  native  quarries  and  the  builders  living 
in  a  blockhouse  while  at  work  upon  it  in  1774-75. 
Portions  of  the  original  structure  remain  in  the 
present  mill  and  it  is  known  far  and  wide  by  the 
old  name.  The  water-power,  which  is  relied  upon 
only  in  wet  seasons,  still  follows  the  ancient  race 
of  Revolutionary  days  and  the  reconstructed  dam 
stands  on  the  site  of  the  old  one.  It  is  all  a  mon- 
ument to  Washington  and  speaks  to  the  visitor 
in  a  way  that  the  Washington  monument  never 
can ;  it  is  a  memorial  of  this  unknown  Washing- 
ton who  was  dreaming  of  a  new  America.  The 
improvements  on  Washington's  plantation  here, 
overseers'  quarters  (Simpson's  where  Washing- 
ton lodged),  slaves'  quarters,  etc.,  were  situate 
near  Plant  No.  2  of  the  Washington  Coal  and 
Coke  Company,  which  sends  out  calendars  each 
year  bearing  a  picture  of  W^ashington's  Mill. 
While  W^ashington  examined  with  care  the  coal 
outcroppings  near  here  in  1770,*  it  is  sure  the 
man  never  dreamed  that  the  land  he  purchased, 
with  some  contiguous  territory,  would  be  valued 
in  a  century  at  above  twenty  million  dollars.     In 

*  On  the  Crawford  place,  twelve  miles  up  the  Youghiogheny 
from  Perryopolis,  at  the  present  New  Haven  (Pa.).  See  Wash- 
ington's Tour  of  1770,  entries  of  October  13-15. 

142 


50-52]     AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

view  of  its  enormous  value  it  is  doubly  interesting 
to  know  that  Washington  was  its  first  owner  and 
that  he  found  coal  hereabouts  nearly  a  century 
and  a  half  ago. 

Washington's  coming  had  no  doubt  been  noised 
abroad  in  connection  with  the  public  sale,  and 
visitors  were  soon  on  hand  to  welcome  him ;  par- 
ticularly Colonel  William  Butler,^^  from  the  old 
Butler  homestead,  a  little  above  the  present  vil- 
lage of  Glenwood  on  the  Monongahela,  and  Cap- 
tain Lucket,^^  commanding  the  Fort  Pitt  garrison. 
But  there  were  more  picturesque,  important  visi- 
tors than  these  —  an  odd  delegation  of  the  rough 
frontiersmen  ^^  who  had  squatted  on  the  rich  piece 
of  land  which  Crawford  had  secured  (he  sup- 
posed) for  Washington  in  Washington  County, 
Pennsylvania,  in  1767.  They  not  only  had  heard 
of  the  sale  but  doubtless  were  informed  that,  when 
General  Washington  came,  steps  were  to  be  taken 
to  oust  them  from  the  homes  they  had  built  and  in 
which  they  had  lived,  now,  for  eleven  years. 

It  is  one  of  the  most  entertaining  features  of 
this  diary  that  it  presents  so  clearly  to  our  view 
this  inside  history  of  Washington's  speculation  in 
western  Pennsylvania;  he  has  been  presented  in 
many  lights,  but  never  perhaps  as  a  plaintiff  in  a 
suit  to  dispossess  a  dozen  or  two  people  from  their 
little  farms  and  cabins ;  yet  such  he  now  becomes, 
and  this  delegation  has  come  to  Simpson's  to  in- 

143 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

terview  him  and  find  out  a  good  scheme  of  de- 
fense. A  great  deal  has  been  written  of  the  bitter 
contests  waged  in  the  West  for  titles  to  farms, 
squatter  rights  and  tomahawk  claims.  Here  we 
have  a  specific  instance  of  one  of  these  disputes, 
and,  fortunately,  the  prominence  of  the  plaintiff 
was  such  that  all  of  the  important  facts  of  the  case 
have  been  preserved,  though  never  before  given 
to  the  public. 

As  early  as  1767  Washington  wrote,  as  we 
have  seen,  to  his  old  friend  William  Crawford, 
asking  him  to  pick  out  some  good  tracts  of  land 
for  Washington  in  the  neighborhood  of  Pitts- 
burgh. Washington,  on  his  part,  declared  that  he 
would  find  means  to  secure  a  clear  title  to  any 
such  lands.  On  September  27,  1767,  Crawford 
wrote  him  that  he  had  "  pitched  upon  a  fine  piece 
of  land  on  a  stream  called  Chartiers  Creek."  * 
Here  Crawford  surveyed  and  marked  by  blazed 
trees  as  fine  a  piece  of  land  as  can  be  found  in 
rich  Washington  County,  about  three  thousand 
acres  in  all.  He  soon  built  a  cabin  and  cleared  a 
patch  of  ground.  This  was  an  "improvement." 
The  only  persons  who  could  rightfully  hold  land 
in  the  West  were  the  "  old  veterans  "  of  the  French 
and  Indian  War,  who  had  been  promised  by  the 
Virginian  Governor  (1754)  and  the  King  of 
England    (1763)    some   two   hundred   thousand 

*  Butterfield,  Washington-Craivford  Letters,  6. 
144 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

acres  of  the  land  in  the  West  for  which  they  had 
fought  and  which  they  had  conquered.  As  com- 
mander of  the  Fort  Necessity  campaign  Wash- 
ington had  become  possessed  of  a  large  tract  of 
land  which  he  expected  to  take  en  bloc;  for  such 
a  tract  as  that  secured  by  Crawford,  Washington 
would  find  a  soldier's  claim  which  he  could  secure. 
This  he  soon  obtained  from  one  Captain  John 
Posey,  who  had  been  a  captain  in  the  Second  Vir- 
ginia Regiment  in  the  Fort  Necessity  campaign 
and  who  had  a  good  claim  to  three  thousand  acres 
of  the  two  hundred  thousand.  On  the  14th  of 
October,  1770,  Posey  gave  George  Washington 
what  was  called  his  '*  Bond  "  in  the  sum  of  £2000 
conditioned  for  the  conveyance  to  Washington  of 
his  right  under  said  claim  whenever  the  same 
should  be  demanded.  This  bond  stated  that  "  for 
a  certain  sum  agreed  upon  .  .  .  [Posey]  hath 
bargained  and  sold  the  same  [claim]  to  the  said 
George  Washington.  .  .  ."  The  "Bond"  was 
"Sealed  &  delivered  In  the  presence  of  John 
Parke  Custis  Martha  Parke  Custis  Amelia 
Posey."  This  probably  occurred  at  Mount  Ver- 
non. In  the  year  following  Crawford  was  ap- 
pointed deputy-surveyor  of  Augusta  County, 
Virginia  (which  then  was  claimed  to  embrace 
the  present  Washington  County,  Pennsylvania), 
under  Thomas  Lewis,  the  surveyor  of  Augusta 
County,   Virginia,   v/ho   married  Washington's 

145 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

friend  and  schoolmate  Jane  Strother.  He  then 
resurveyed  2813  acres  within  the  boundaries  pre- 
viously marked  for  Washington,  and  the  "re- 
turn" was  forwarded  by  Lewis  to  Virginia;  in 
1774  Governor  Dinwiddie  granted  Washington  a 
patent  for  the  land.  This  patent  made  Washing- 
ton actual  owner  of  the  land  so  far  as  a  Virginia 
title  could  make  him  so. 

A  year  or  so  before  the  patent  was  issued,  a 
number  of  squatters  settled  within  these  boun- 
daries which  had  been  marked,  surveyed  and 
resurveyed  by  Crawford.  Six  men  comprised  the 
party,  and,  before  discovered,  they  had  built  a 
cabin,  and  cleared  two  or  three  acres  of  land. 
Crawford  immediately  ordered  them  off,  and,  on 
being  paid  £5,  in  lieu  of  the  improvement  they  had 
made,  they  moved  away.  Land-seekers  were  now 
becoming  so  numerous  that  Crawford  was  com- 
pelled to  place  a  man  on  Washington's  land  who 
built  a  cabin  and  eked  out  a  living  at  his  patron's 
expense.  A  circumstance  which  made  it  more 
difficult  to  keep  the  land  from  interlopers  was 
what  is  known  as  Croghan's  Deed,  a  deed  given 
by  the  Six  Nations  to  Colonel  George  Croghan, 
the  noted  Indian  trader  and  deputy  Indian  agent 
under  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  other  traders 
(who  had  lost  property  by  Indian  depredations), 
to  two  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land  on  the 
upper  Ohio.     The  Deed  was  never  approved  by 

146 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

the  King  and  was  never  legal,  but  Colonel  Cro- 
ghan  "  ran  "  his  lines  and  sold  many  "  locations  " 
to  immigrants.  Crawford  shrewdly  found  this 
piece  of  good  land  for  Washington  and  outwitted 
and  antagonized  the  Croghan  speculators ;  *  and 
so  when,  in  1773,  a  number  of  men  of  sturdy 
Scotch-Irish  descent  appeared  upon  the  scene 
from  Chester  County,  Pennsylvania,  and  else- 
where, they  were  encouraged  to  settle  on  Wash- 
ington's land  by  the  Croghan  element  in  Pitts- 
burgh ;  perhaps  they  verily  believed  Croghan  was 
a  fraud  who  adyertised  the  fact  that  he  was 
securing  land  for  Washington  merely  in  order  to 
attract  attention;  at  any  rate  they  came  boldly 
and  drove  Washington's  hired  servant  away  by 
force,  "encouraged  by  Major  Ward,"  wrote 
Crawford  to  Washington,  "brother  to  Colonel 
Croghan."  t  This  was  just  before  Christmas, 
1773.  Crawford  went  immediately  to  them  with 
the  same  warning  he  had  brought  their  predeces- 
sors; he  found  them  determined  to  stay  and  he 
wrote  that  he  had  "  built  a  house  so  close  to  his 
[the  keeper's]  that  he  cannot  get  in  at  the  door." 
Dunmore's  War  now  broke  out  and  the  Revolu- 
tion followed.  Throughout  those  trying  years 
the  doughty  Scotch-Irish  clung  to  their  little  cab- 
ins and  few  acres  with  all  the  tenacity  of  their 
race.    The  Indians  could  not  drive  them  off ;  now 

*  Butterfield,  The  Washington-Crawford  Letters,  \g.        t  Id.,  37- 

147 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

the  question  was,  Could  Washington  make  good 
his  title? 

No  doubt  they  discussed  this  question  as  they 
trudged  over  the  hills  to  Simpson's,  wondering 
if  the  great  General  whose  fame  had  spread  so 
wide  could  and  really  would  dispossess  them  of 
the  homes  and  land  they  had  called  theirs  for  al- 
most half  a  generation.  They  were  above  the  av- 
erage of  frontiersmen ;  writes  Hon.  Boyd  Crum- 
rine :  *  "  There  were  some  sturdy  men  among 
these  settlers,  men  of  positive  mind,  stubborn  for 
their  own  rights  as  they  understood  them.  They 
were  not  disposed  easily  to  yield  their  hard-won 
homes  even  to  the  great  General  who  had  liber- 
ated America."  There  was,  truly,  something  to 
be  said  on  both  sides,  and  the  fact  that  the  entire 
body  of  them  were  of  one  religious  opinion  and 
known  as  Seceders  (the  Associate  Church  of 
Scotland)  had  a  moral  influence  in  the  matter  not 
to  be  wholly  disregarded.  And  then  they  had 
stood  their  ground  through  all  the  bitter,  black 

*Mr.  Crumrine,  a  distinguished  lawyer  of  Washington,  Penn- 
sylvania, and  president  of  the  Washington  County  Historical  So- 
ciety, has  made  a  special  study  of  Washington's  land-suit  and 
gathered  copies  of  all  the  original  documents  in  the  case  which 
he  will  edit  and  publish;  the  most  interesting  and  important  of 
these  documents  is  the  Washington-Smith  Correspondence,  to  be 
referred  to  later.  Mr.  Crumrine  has  kindly  allowed  the  present 
writer  the  complete  run  of  his  material. 

148 


''^        AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

days  of  Dunmore's  War  and  the  Revolution,  and 
no  doubt  had  contributed  men  and  substance  to 
the  cause  of  preserving  the  West  to  the  Union. 
They  had  seized,  rather  forcefully  it  must  be  ad- 
mitted, upon  the  land  they  claimed,  but  were  fol- 
lowing what  they  understood  was  good  advice. 
They  looked  upon  Crawford  as  an  impostor,  and 
doubtless  honestly  believed  that  he  was  merely 
using  Washington's  name  as  a  cloak  to  cover 
safely  a  private  venture.  The  West  was  full  of 
such  land  jobbers  as  that;  Crawford  had  probably 
told  them  that  Croghan's  claim  to  land  was 
as  groundless  as  Croghan  told  them  Crawford's 
was.  Who  knew  the  truth?  Who  was  to  be 
believed  ? 

We  do  not  know  the  exact  conversation  which 
now  passed  between  the  leaders  of  these  Seceders 
and  General  Washington.  It  is  clear  from  Wash- 
ington's remark  that  the  salient  points  of  the 
question  were  touched — probably  the  important 
fact  that  they  settled  the  land  previous  to  the 
date^^  of  the  Governor's  patent  which  made 
Washington  the  actual  owner.  He  undoubtedly 
demanded  that  they  leave  the  land  or  purchase  it 
from  him  at  a  fair  figure.  All  the  Seceders  not 
being  present,  a  decision  was  necessarily  post- 
poned until  Washington  should  see  the  land  and 
estimate  its  value.    As  the  men  trudged  off  home- 

149 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  t^^ 

ward  that  night  they  talked  of  the  man  they  had 
seen,  of  his  dress  and  manner,  of  all  he  had  done, 
of  his  answers  to  their  spokesman's  questions,  and 
of  the  probable  price  he  would  set  on  the  land. 
It  was  sure  they  would  either  buy  or  fight  the  mat- 
ter in  the  courts. 

On  the  day  following,  September  15,  the  sale 
which  had  been  advertised  was  held^^;  the  mill 
could  not  find  a  renter  and  the  plantation— now 
worth  a  score  of  millions — rented  for  500  bushels 
of  wheat  per  annum!  Washington  spent  two 
days  more  at  Crawford's,  where  Colonel  Thomas 
Freeman  ^^  was  engaged  as  Washington's  land 
agent  in  the  West  for  the  future.* 

On  the  eighteenth  Washington  set  out  with  Dr. 
Craik  for  the  homes  of  his  obdurate  Seceders  on 
"  Shurtees  Creek,"  as  he  calls  Chartiers  Creek,^^ 
and  crossed  the  Monongahela  River  at  "  De- 
boirs,"  more  correctly  Devore's^^  Ferry,  now 
Monongahela  City,  Pennsylvania.  Local  tradi- 
tion affirms  that  Devore  was  the  name  of  a  Hes- 
sian soldier  who  operated  a  ferry  later  known 
as  Parkinson's  Ferry.  The  travelers  "  bated  "  at 
David  Hamilton's,^^  for  many  years  justice  of 
the  peace  in  Washington  County,  at  his  home  on 
"  Ginger  Hill "  on  the  present  National  Road,  and 

*  His    full    directions    to    Freeman    were    outlined    in    a    letter 
written  September  23,  1785.     Sparks,   Writings  of  Washington, 

XII,  275. 


59^2]     AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

lodged  that  night  at  Colonel  John  Cannon's,^^  one 
of  the  justices  of  the  Virginia  courts,  who  laid  out 
the  present  Cannonsburg,  Pennsylvania,  in  April, 
1788.  Washington  only  mentions  the  home  of 
Colonel  Edward  Cook,*^*^  one  of  the  important  men 
of  western  Pennsylvania  of  that  date,  who  lived 
at  the  present  site  of  Fayette  City,  Fayette 
County,  previously  known  as  Cookstown,  and,  be- 
fore that,  Freeport.  Colonel  Cook  was  a  member 
of  the  famous  ''Carpenter's  Hall,"  Provincial 
Congress,  which  promulgated  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  a  member  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Convention  of  1776,  and  County  Lieutenant  for 
Westmoreland  (which  then  included  Fayette) 
County.  Had  his  record  as  a  staunch  Pennsyl- 
vanian  been  shorter  Washington's  notice  of  him 
would  have  been  longer ! 

From  Colonel  Cannon's  it  was  but  a  short  ride 
to  the  lands  on  Miller's  Run,  but  the  next  day 
being  Sunday,  Washington  postpones  a  visit  be- 
cause of  the  alleged  religious  scruples  *^^  of  his 
tenants,  at  which  he  frankly  sneers,  with  little 
credit  to  himself.  He  spends  the  day  in  a  fruit- 
less business  journey  to  the  home  of  one  Dr. 
Ezekiel  Johnson,^-  a  few  miles  northeast  of 
Washington,  Pennsylvania,  in  search  of  records, 
which  he  does  not  find.  Washington  here  shows 
little  or  no  respect  for  the  Sabbath  day ;  it  may  be 
said  that  while  traveling  on  the  frontier  the  cir- 

151 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  '^^"^ 

cumstances  warranted  one's  moving  on  apace, 
bad  weather  rendering  the  roads  so  impassable 
that  it  was  the  better  part  of  caution  to  travel 
in  good  weather  irrespective  of  the  day.  The 
Scotch-Irish  tenants  would  not  have  traveled  to- 
day, nor  did  many  a  brave  explorer  like  Dr. 
Thomas  Walker,  though  none  but  the  horses  and 
dogs  and  wilderness  knew  of  the  act  of  reverence 
for  the  day.* 

On  Monday  Washington  proceeded  to  the 
lands  in  question  and  found  that  out  of  the  2813 
acres  patented  by  him,  only  363  acres  were  arable 
and  forty  more  were  "meadow";  there  were 
twelve  houses  and  nine  barns  claimed  by  four- 
teen persons  ^^:  Samuel  McBride,  James  Mc- 
Bride,  Thomas  Biggart  (Bigar?),  WiHiam  Stew- 
art, Matthew  Hillast  (Halet?),  BriceMcGeechen, 
Duncan  McGeechen,  David  Reed,  John  Reed, 
William Hillas  (Willis?),  John  Glen,  James  Scott, 
Matthew  Johnson,  and  James  Scott,  Jr.  The  last 
mentioned,*^^  who,  with  his  father,  was  owner  of 
the  best  of  the  farms,  was  the  ringleader  of  the 
pioneers;  with  Reed  he  argued  their  side  of  the 
question  at  the  Reed  home,  where  Washington 
dined.  "  During  his  stay,"  writes  an  historian  of 
Washington  County,  "  the  mother  of  James  Reed 

*"  Journal  of  Doctor  Thomas  Walker,"  J.  Stoddard  Johnston, 
First  Explorations  of  Kentucky,  35,  note  4.  Sparks  has  an  in- 
teresting chapter  on  Washington's  religious  principles  in  Writings 
of  Washington^  XII,  399. 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

(silversmith,  formerly  of  this  place)  cooked  a  din- 
ner ...  for  the  General.  .  .  ."  *  Here  at  Reed's 
Washington  stated  his  terms,  after  hearing  the 
Seceders'  pitiful  story,  half  of  which,  one  may  be- 
lieve, was  exaggeration.  All  the  tenants  refused 
the  terms  offered,  and  agreed  severally  to  stand 
suit  and  abide  the  decision  of  law.  Ordinarily 
such  quarrels  over  "  tomahawk  claims  "  were  set- 
tled "  out  of  court,"  usually  on  the  ground  in  ques- 
tion with  the  silence  of  the  surrounding  forest  as 
the  only  witness.  The  strongest  man  won  —  or, 
perhaps,  the  craftiest.  "As  soon  as  a  man's 
back  is  turned,"  Washington's  own  agent  once 
wrote  him,  "  another  is  on  his  land.  The  man  that 
is  strong  and  able  to  make  others  afraid  of  him 
seems  to  have  the  best  chance  as  times  go  now." 

But  Washington  could  not  employ  arbitrary 
force  in  the  present  instance,  and  he  would  not 
if  he  could.  His  dignity  demanded  that  the  pious 
interlopers  receive  the  benefit  of  the  bench  and 
bar.  In  all  his  Western  speculations  Washington 
had  been  particular  to  insist  that  his  agents  avoid 
even  the  possibility  of  conflict  with  others.  For 
instance,  when  Captain  Bullitt  and  party  were 
making  the  early  surveys  at  Louisville  and  on 
the  Kentucky  River  in  1775,  Washington  desired 

*  Alfred  Creigh,  LL.D.,  History  of  Washington  County  (Har- 
risburgh,  1871),  loi.  The  place  referred  to  is  Washington,  the 
county-seat. 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

"to  get  in  on  the  ground  floor";  and,  while  no 
one  in  America,  save  only  the  veterans  of  the 
campaign  of  1754,  had  any  semblance  of  legal 
right  to  Western  land,  yet  Washington  wrote 
his  agent  to  avoid  any  possible  conflict  even  with 
those  who  had  no  right  to  lands;  "...  but  even 
of  these  [illegal]  claims,"  he  wrote,  "if  I  could 
get  lands  equally  as  good  .  .  .  elsewhere,  I  should 
choose  to  steer  clear."  *  In  his  treatment  of  his 
large  tenantry  Washington  was  also  most  con- 
siderate; writing  to  his  new  agent.  Freeman,  a 
few  months  later,  he  said:  "  Where  acts  of  Provi- 
dence interfere  to  disable  a  tenant,  I  would  be 
lenient  in  the  exaction  of  rent;  but,  where  the 
cases  are  otherwise,  I  will  not  be  put  ofif ;  because 
it  is  on  these  my  own  expenditures  depend,  and 
because  an  accumulation  of  undischarged  rents  is 
a  real  injury  to  the  tenant."  f 

In  the  present  instance  Washington's  agent 
had  chosen  the  Miller's  Run  lands  before  the 
Seceders  ever  saw  it,  and  the  steps  to  be  taken 
to  secure  properly  the  land  were  in  a  forward 
way  when  they  arrived  on  the  scene  and  drove 
off  the  man  stationed  as  guard.  The  question 
was.  Must  Washington  lose  his  land  because  of 
the  arrival  of  the  squatters  before  enough  time 
had  elapsed  for  him  to  secure  a  patent  to  the 
land?     This  he  could  not  believe;  if  these  men 

*  Butterfield,  Washington-Crawford  Letters,  31.  f  Id.,  31. 


65-^8]      AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

succeeded  in  wheedling  him  in  this  instance,  there 
was  httle  chance  of  his  holding  securely  a  single 
one  of  his  forty  thousand  acres  in  the  West;  to 
be  "lenient"  here,  as  he  was,  no  doubt,  im- 
plored to  be,  would  certainly  result  in  the 
establishment  of  a  precedent  that  would  be  ruin- 
ous to  him;  and  if  Washington  could  not  keep 
his  land  how  would  the  less  influential  and 
less  powerful  fare?  The  precedent  would  ruin 
thousands. 

Such,  no  doubt,  was  the  trend  of  the  conversa- 
tion of  the  members  of  Washington's  party  while 
returning  to  Colonel  Cannon's ;  in  it  was  Colonel 
John  Neville  ^^  of  the  Virginia  Line,  Captain  Van 
Swearinger,^®  "  Indian  Van  "  as  he  was  known, 
commander  of  one  of  the  companies  in  Morgan's 
famous  rifle-corps  from  the  backwoods,  and  now 
first  sheriff  of  Washington  County,  and  either 
Captain  Craig  Richie  or  Captain  Matthew 
Richie,^^  both  of  them  being  prominent  residents 
of  this  county.  These  friends  probably  agreed 
that  indeed  "  squatter  "  rights  did  take  precedence 
over  Governor's  patents  if  Washington  must  be 
compelled  to  submit  to  the  interlopers,  or  if  they 
could  make  good  their  claim  in  court.  All  agreed 
to  assist  the  General  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
ejectment  suit.  At  Season  Town,^^  the  present 
Uniontown,  Pennsylvania,  whither  Washington 
went  on  September  22,  he  engaged  Mr.  Thomas 

155 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE         ^^"'^ 

Smith  ®^  of  Carlisle,  Pennsylvania,  to  prosecute 
his  suit. 

Here  at  Uniontown  Captain  Benjamin  Hardin^^ 
gave  the  General  a  hopeful  account  of  the  passage- 
way from  the  West  Fork  of  the  Monongahela  *  to 
the  Little  Kanawha;  he  also  affirmed  that  the 
Cheat  was  navigable  to  Dunkards  Bottom  and 
that  a  road  was  already  marked  out  from  that 
point  across  the  mountains  to  the  Potomac.  The 
information  came  in  time  to  make  Washington 
change  his  decision  to  return  the  way  he  had 
come;  here  and  now  he  determined  to  send  his 
baggage  and  friends  homeward  by  the  common 
route,  and  he  himself  strike  straight  into  the  wil- 
derness of  the  upper  Monongahela,  of  which  all 
men  seemed  so  ignorant.  He  accordingly  sent 
Dr.  Craik  and  son  homeward  with  the  baggage 
by  the  Turkey-foot  Road,"^^  which  ascended  the 
Youghiogheny  River,  to  meet  him  at  the  end  of 
the  month  at  Warner  Washington's,  near  "Happy 
Retreat "  in  Virginia.  Washington  with  his 
nephew  Bushrod  and  Colonel  Theophilus  Phil- 
lips '^^  set  out  for  the  latter's  home  near  the  present 
Point  Marion,  Pennsylvania;  this  home  was  an 
early  landmark;  in  it  the  Monongahela  County 
Court  had  been  held. 

*  Hardin  here  corrects  Colonel  Bruce 's  misinformation ;  it  was 
the  West  Fork  and  not  Ten  Mile  Creek  that  headed  near  the 
Little  Kanawha. 

156 


''-''^     AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

As  Washington  now  notes  in  his  diary  (prob- 
ably a  hint  from  Lawyer  Smith),  the  vaHdity  of 
the  Posey  bond  "  and  the  date  of  one  of  Surveyor 
Lewis's  returns  on  which  patent  was  issued  and 
the  meaning  of  one  of  Crawford's  letters,*  were 
important  items  '^  in  the  controversy.  In  due  time 
the  case  came  on  for  "  tryal,"  at  the  November 
( 1784)  term  of  the  Common  Pleas  Court,  but  was 
removed  by  Lawyer  Smith  to  the  Supreme  Court, 
and  tried  before  Thomas  McKean  and  Jacob 
Rush,  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  holding  nisi 
prius  court  at  Washington,  Pennsylvania,  October 
25,  26,  and  27,  1786.  Smith  thus  gives  his  rea- 
son for  removing  the  case  if  "  I  had  good  informa- 
tion that  James  Scott  Junr  had  the  most  plausible 
claim  &  that  he  was  the  ringleader  or  director 
of  the  rest  I  therefore  Resolved  to  take  the  Bull  by 
the  Horns,  and  removed  the  Ejectments  into  the 
Supreme  Court  in  Such  order  as  to  have  it  in  my 

*  Butterfield,  Washington-Crawford  Letters,  61. 

t  The  interesting  Washington-Smith  Correspondence,  collected 
and  owned  by  C.  B.  Humrich  of  Carlisle,  Pennsylvania,  and 
loaned  by  him  to  the  Museum  of  the  Pennsylvania  Bar  Asso- 
ciation, comprises  many  of  the  letters  which  passed  between 
Washington  and  his  lawyer  respecting  the  ejectment  suit,  and 
many  pages  of  memoranda  in  Washington's  handwriting;  the 
latter  is  practically  a  lawyer's  "brief"  of  the  case  and,  in  the 
able  opinion  of  Mr.  Crumrine,  marks  Washington  as  a  man  of 
unexpected  legal  ability;  his  grasp  of  the  whole  matter,  and  es- 
pecially his  suggestions  of  the  positions  to  be  taken  by  the  de- 
fendants, is  masterly.  Mr.  Crumrine  kindly  placed  his  copy  of 
this  correspondence  in  the  present  editor's  hands. 

1^.7 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

power  to  try  the  ejectment  against  him  before  the 
rest.  .  .  .  The  trial  therefore  was  ordered  on,  on 
the  24th  after  Dinner  &  lasted  that  afternoon  the 
next  Day  and  till  1 1  oclock  in  the  forenoon  of  the 
26th  when  the  Jury  gave  a  verdict  for  the  plain- 
tiff." Smith  warned  Washington  that,  in  case  he 
won  his  suit,  there  was  no  damage  that  could  be 
handily  done  to  the  property  which  the  ''  pious  " 
Seceders  would  not  do,  a  threat  a  trifle  out  of  ac- 
cord with  their  alleged  piety ;  "  fences  &  even  the 
Buildings,"  he  wrote,  "  will  probably  be  burned  or 
otherwise  destroyed."  In  one  of  Washington's 
notes  for  Smith's  perusal  he  writes  these  interest- 
ing and  almost  pathetic  sentences :  "  The  charac- 
ter, &  general  conduct  of  Capf}  Crawford  must 
speak  for  themselves, —  and  these,  I  conceive, 
will  bear  the  test  of  examination. —  If  he  was 
a  forestaller  or  monopolizer  of  Land,  it  is  un- 
known to  me. —  I  had  no  hand  in  the  speculation. 
—  nor  have  I  a  foot  of  Land  in  the  Western  Coun- 
try that  I  do  not  hold  under  Military  rights,  ex- 
cept the  tract  on  [the]  Youghiogheny  whereon 
Gilbert  Simpson  lives,  and  a  small  tract  of  be- 
tween two  &  300  acres  at  the  Great  Meadows; 
both  of  which  I  purchased.  .  .  .  Indeed,  com- 
paratively speaking  I  possess  very  little  land  on 
the  Western  Waters, —  to  attempt  therefore  to 
deprive  me  of  the  little  I  have,  is,  considering  the 
circumstances  under  which  I  have  been,  and  the 

158 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

inability  of  attending  to  my  own  affairs,  not  only 
unjust,  but  pitifully  mean."  * 

On  June  i,  1796,  Washington  sold  this  tract  to 
Matthew  Richie  for  $12,000,  of  which  $3180  was 
in  cash  and  $8820  to  be  paid  in  three  annual  in- 
stalments. Richie  died  in  1798,  leaving  two  pay- 
ments due,  willing  the  land  to  Judge  Alexander 
Addison  on  condition  that  he  pay  the  remainder. 
This  Judge  Addison  did  not  do,  for  in  1802  the 
tract  was  sold  at  sheriff's  sale  on  Richie's  mort- 
gage held  by  Washington's  heirs.  Judge  Addi- 
son was  purchaser  for  $60,  which  was  enough  to 
pay  the  costs ;  the  Judge  and  his  widow  sold  the 
land  to  eight  persons,  John  Johnson  being  the 
largest  buyer. 

In  the  late  afternoon  of  September  23,  Wash- 
ington reached  the  home  of  Colonel  Phillips.  He 
now  leaves  the  historic  region  with  which  he  was 
so  familiar  and  strikes  out  into  an  unknown  coun- 
try. As  he  does  so  it  is  quite  proper  to  emphasize 
again  the  significant  fact  that  throughout  his 
journey  from  Cumberland  to  Simpson's  on  the 
Youghiogheny  River,  through  scenes  as  memor- 
able as  any  on  this  continent  that  shall  be  forever 
linked  with  his  name,  we  find  not  one  single  word 
in  his  diary  of  recollection  or  reminiscence.  Fort 
Cumberland,  Little  Crossing,  Great  Crossing, 
Great    Meadows,    Fort    Necessity,    Braddock's 

*  MSS.  Washington-Smith  Correspondence,  g. 
159 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE         f'^'^ 

Grave  and  the  orchard  where  he  died,  Jumonville's 
hiding-place,  Dunbar's  Camp,  Mount  Braddock 
and  Stewart's  Crossing  receive  not  one  syllable  of 
recognition.  It  is  a  legend  that  at  his  home  board 
Washington  sanctioned  no  references  to  his  past 
exploits;  writing  now,  later  in  life,  he  certainly 
refrained  in  a  remarkable  way  from  any  refer- 
ences to  those  boyhood  days ;  the  diffidence  seems 
to  the  present  editor  intentionally  studied.  Either 
now  or  on  the  occasion  of  his  visit  in  1770  Wash- 
ington attempted  to  find  Braddock's  grave ;  how 
interesting  it  would  have  been  if  he  could  have 
left  in  one  of  the  tv/o  journals  some  little  account 
of  this  inherently  romantic  delay!  It  is  the  ab- 
sence of  every  such  personal  mention  that  gives 
ground  for  the  assertion  that  Washington's  jour- 
nals are  ''uninteresting." 

On  the  morning  of  the  twenty-fourth  the  party, 
including  their  host,  pushed  on  to  the  Cheat  at  its 
junction  with  the  Monongahela  at  the  present  vil- 
lage of  Point  Marion."^"  The  General's  quick  eye 
noted  the  peculiar  glittering  waters  of  the  Cheat, 
correctly  attributing  it  to  the  "Laurel,  among 
which  it  rises."  If  you  ask  to-day  along  its  banks 
the  reason  of  this  color  ^^  you  may  be  told,  as  the 
writer  was,  that  it  is  due  to  the  saw-mills ;  there 
were  few  saw-mills  on  the  Cheat  in  1784!  A  more 
knowing  resident  will  say  that  the  iron  in  the 
water  and  the  tan  in  the  laurel  makes  an  ink 

160 


77-79]     AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

which  colors  the  otherwise  hmpid  stream.  Fol- 
lowing the  dividing  ridge  between  the  rivers,  the 
home  of  John  Pierpont,  grandfather  of  Francis 
H.  Pierpont,  War  Governor  of  West  Virginia," 
was  reached,  the  site  of  which  will  be  pointed  out 
to  the  visitor  near  the  present  Pierpont  M.  E. 
Church,  distant  four  miles  from  Morgantown, 
West  Virginia,  and  four  miles  from  Mount  Cha- 
teau, the  Cheat  River  resort.  At  the  surveyor's 
office  Washington  did  not  find  the  records  desired, 
save  those  of  lands  at  the  mouth  of  the  Little 
Kanawha  secured  by  Rutherford  and  Briscoe, 
names  well  known  in  Wood  County  and  Parkers- 
burg.'^^ 

When  Washington  brought  up  the  inland  navi- 
gation problem,  Hanway  sent  to  Morgantown  for 
General  Zackwell  Morgan,"^*^  the  founder  of  the 
city  which  bears  his  name.  From  him  Washing- 
ton learned  that  there  were  three  routes  eastward 
to  the  Potomac  through  the  rugged  region 
watered  by  the  upper  Cheat  and  Youghiogheny 
rivers;  one  was  the  "New  Road"  running  from 
Morgantown  through  the  Sandy  Creek  Glades  to 
Braddock's  Road,  which  it  entered  a  mile  west  of 
Jockey  Hollow ;  another  branched  from  the  New 
Road  in  Sandy  Creek  Glades  and  following 
McCullough's  Path  came  to  the  North  Branch  at 
what  is  Fort  Pendleton;  the  third  ran  from  the 
neighborhood  of  the  present  Clarksburg,  crossed 

11  i6i 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  ^'' 

the  Cheat  at  Dunkard's  Bottom,  one  of  the  earH- 
est  clearings  west  of  the  Alleghanies  made  by  a 
family  of  that  name,  and  also  crossed  the  Potomac 
at  Fort  Pendleton.  All  these  paths  were  deer  and 
buffalo  trails  to  and  from  the  splendid  feeding 
grounds  in  the  Glades;  the  first  pioneers  found 
them  roads  ready  to  their  feet  leading  into  the 
Glades  from  the  East  and  out  of  them  again 
toward  what  became  "Morgan  Town"  and 
"  Clarkstown,"  fifteen  miles  below  the  portage  to 
the  present  Bullstown^^  on  the  Little  Kanawha. 
The  navigation  of  the  Cheat  below  Horseshoe 
Bottom  was  reported  adversely ;  and  the  only  hope 
of  an  all-Virginia  route  from  the  Potomac  to  the 
Little  Kanawha  was  to  be  secured  by  improving 
one  of  these  roads  through  the  Glades  to  Fort 
Pendleton  —  the  one  through  Sandy  Creek  Glades 
or  the  one  through  Dunkard's  Bottom. 

Here  at  the  Pierpont  home  occurred  that  fa- 
mous interview  between  the  youthful  Albert  Gal- 
latin and  Washington,  to  which  the  former  fre- 
quently referred  in  after  life.  We  have  deferred 
reference  to  it  till  now  in  order  that  the  picture 
that  Washington  so  dimly  draws  may  stand  com- 
plete before  this  most  interesting  side-light  is 
thrown  upon  it.  Born  in  1761,  Gallatin  came  to 
America  in  1780;  during  1782  he  was  instructor 
in  French  at  Harvard  College,  and  early  in  1784 
came  westward  to  lands  he  had  purchased  near 

162 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

Washington's  in  Pennsylvania,  at  the  mouth  of 
George's  Creek,  of  which  mention  is  made  in  the 
diary.  It  is  hkely  that  Gallatin  was  visiting  the 
surveyor  with  reference  to  his  lands,  though  on 
this  point  we  are  not  made  clear  by  his  biog- 
raphers. "The  story  of  the  interview,"  writes 
one  of  them,  Stevens,  "  was  first  made  public  by 
Mr.  John  Russell  Bartlett,  who  had  it  from  the 
lips  of  Mr.  Gallatin.  The  version  of  the  late  Hon. 
William  Beach  Lawrence  .  .  .  differs  slightly  in 
immaterial  points.     Mr.  Lawrence  says : 

"  '  Among  the  incidents  connected  with  his  (Mr. 
Gallatin's)  earliest  explorations  was  an  inter- 
view with  General  Washington,  which  he  repeat- 
edly recounted  to  me.  He  had  previously  ob- 
served that  of  all  the  inaccessible  men  he  had  ever 
seen,  General  Washington  was  the  most  so.  And 
this  remark  he  made  late  in  life,  after  having  been 
conversant  with  most  of  the  sovereigns  of  Europe 
and  their  prime  ministers.  He  said,  in  connec- 
tion with  his  office,  he  had  a  cot-bed  in  the  office  of 
the  surveyor  of  the  district  when  Washington, 
who  had  lands  in  the  neighborhood,  and  was  de- 
sirous of  effecting  communication  between  the 
rivers,  came  there.  Mr.  Gallatin's  bed  was  given 
up  to  him, —  Gallatin  lying  on  the  floor,  imme- 
diately below  the  table  at  which  Washington  was 
writing  [in  his  diary].  Washington  was  endea- 
voring to  reduce  to  paper  the  calculations  of  the 

163 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

day.  Gallatin,  hearing  the  statement,  came  at 
once  to  the  conclusion,  and,  after  waiting  some 
time,  he  himself  gave  the  answer,  which  drew 
from  Washington  such  a  look  [of  rebuke]  as  he 
never  experienced  before  or  since.  On  arriving 
by  a  slow  process  at  his  conclusion,  Washington 
turned  to  Gallatin  and  said, "You  are  right,  young 
man."  Bartlett,  in  his  recollection  of  the  anec- 
dote, adds  that  Washington,  about  this  period,  in- 
quired after  the  forward  young  man,  and  urged 
him  to  become  his  land  agent, —  an  offer  which 
Gallatin  declined.' "  =^ 

This  version  of  Gallatin's  story,  looked  at  from 
the  standpoint  of  W^ashington's  diary  is  fairly  well 
authenticated.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was 
at  Pierpont's  that  the  interview  occurred,  though 
as  Freeman  had  been  offered  the  position  of  land 
agent  it  is  difficult  to  harmonize  the  detail  of  the 
story  with  Washington's  record.  Another  ver- 
sion of  the  story  is  given  by  Henry  Adams,  who 
says:  "Mr.  Gallatin  said  he  first  met  General 
Washington  at  the  office  of  a  land  agent  near  the 
Kenawha  River,  in  northwestern  Virginia,  where 
he  [Gallatin]  had  been  engaged  in  surveying. 
The  office  consisted  of  a  log  house  fourteen  feet 
square,  in  which  was  but  one  room.  .  .  Many  of 
the  settlers  and  hunters  familiar  with  the  country 
had  been  invited  to  meet  the  general.  .  .  .  On 

*John  Austin  Stevens,  Albert  Gallatin  (Boston,  1884),  22-24. 

164 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

his  arrival  General  Washington  took  his  seat  at 
a  pine  table  in  the  log  cabin,  or  rather  land 
agent's  office,  surrounded  by  the  men  who  had 
come  to  meet  him.  They  all  stood  up,  as  there 
was  no  room  for  seats.  Some  of  the  more  for- 
tunate, however,  secured  quarters  on  the  bed. 
.  .  .  Mr.  Gallatin  stood  among  the  others  in  the 
crowd,  though  quite  near  the  table,  and  listened 
attentively  to  the  numerous  queries  put  by  the 
general,  and  very  soon  discovered  from  the  vari- 
ous relations  [accounts]  which  was  the  only  prac- 
ticable pass  through  which  the  road  could  be 
made.  He  felt  uneasy  at  the  indecision  of  the 
general,  when  the  point  was  so  evident  to  him, 
und  without  reflecting  on  the  impropriety  of  it, 
suddenly  interrupted  him,  saying,  '  Oh,  it  is  plain 
enough,  such  a  place  [a  spot  just  mentioned  by 
one  of  the  settlers]  is  the  most  practicable.'  The 
good  people  stared  at  the  young  surveyor  (for 
they  only  knew  him  as  such)  with  surprise,  won- 
dering at  his  boldness  in  thrusting  his  opinion 
unasked  upon  the  general. 

''The  interruption  put  a  sudden  stop  to  Gen- 
eral Washington's  inquiries.  He  laid  down  his 
pen,  raised  his  eyes  from  his  paper,  and  cast  a 
stern  look  at  Mr.  Gallatin,  evidently  offended  at 
the  intrusion  of  his  opinion,  but  said  not  a  word. 
Resuming  his  former  attitude,  he  continued  his 
interrogations  for  a  few  minutes  longer,  when, 

i6s 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

suddenly  stopping,  he  threw  down  his  pen,  turned 
to  Mr.  Gallatin,  and  said,  '  You  are  right,  sir.'  "  * 
The  question  naturally  arises.  Why  was  Gallatin 
staying  at  the  surveyor's  office?  Perhaps  he  was 
learning  the  trade.  The  picture  drawn  of  Wash- 
ington at  the  table  working  the  day's  sum  of  in- 
formation down  to  brief  compass  and  the  young- 
man  watching  him  from  the  floor  is  of  intense 
interest;  because  it  was  no  doubt  here  and  now 
that  the  future  statesman  and  champion  of  in- 
ternal improvements  received  his  first  important 
inspiration.  As  is  well  known,  Gallatin's  com- 
prehensive scheme  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
less  than  twenty  years  later,  involved  the  im- 
provement of  the  Susquehanna,  Potomac,  and 
James  rivers  up  the  eastern  slopes  of  the  Alle- 
ghanies  and  of  the  Alleghany,  Monongahela  and 
Kanawha  rivers  down  the  Western  slopes — 
Washington's  identical  plan  in  1784,  when,  as 
a  boy,  Gallatin  watched  him  from  the  floor  of 
the  surveyor's  office  and  with  irrepressible  en- 
ergy made  his  impromptu  answer.  In  fact,  Mr. 
Adams  states  that  the  reason  Gallatin  selected 
George's  Creek  for  a  base  of  operations  was 
that  he  held  in  his  hand  the  best  practical  con- 
nection between  the  Ohio  and  the  Potomac 
"  which  was  their  path  to  Richmond  and  a  mar- 
ket."   Local  tradition  has  it  in  the  neighborhood 

*The  Life  of  Gallatin  (Phil.  1879),  56-59. 
166 


«i-8*i       AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

that  Gallatin's  answer  was  to  the  effect  that 
Braddock's  Road  marked  the  most  feasible 
route.  There  was  reason  enough  for  Wash- 
ington's agreeing  with  him  and  for  giving  him  a 
glance !  * 

Hearing  that  the  Dunkard's  Bottom  route  is 
overgrown,  the  Washingtons  leave  Pierpont's 
before  sunrise  September  25  by  the  "  New 
Road,"^^  crossing  the  Cheat  at  Andrew  Ice's 
ferry,^^  still  known  by  the  old  name,  and  climb 
over  Cheat  Mountain  ^^  to  James  Spurgeon's  ^^  on 
Sandy  Creek,  New  Bruceton,  West  Virginia. 
The  climb  over  Cheat  Mountain  is  a  long  one  to- 
day and  you  may  ride  as  did  the  writer  on  a  sunny 
September  day  three  hours  without  sight  of  a  hu- 
man being  or  human  habitation;  the  prospect 
could  not  have  been  more  lonely  in  1784  than  in 
1904,  nor  the  first  glimpse  of  the  Sandy  Creek 
Glades  from  the  mountain  crest  more  charming. 
Washington  had  good  reason  for  traversing  Brad- 
dock's  Road,  but  what  brought  him  into  this  un- 
known country?  It  was  interesting  to  make  this 
query  of  the  mountain  folk  living  along  his  route. 
Some  said  he  was  looking  for  lands;  others 
thought  he  was  buying  timber-land.  One  supposed 
he  was  being  chased  by  Indians  or  French !    One 

*  For  Washington's  part  in  the  old  quarrel  between  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Virginia  over  Braddock's  and  Forbes's  roads,  seeHul- 
bert,  Historic  Highways  of  America,  V,  ch.  iv. 

167 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  ^'' 

was  sure  he  was  looking  for  oil,  while  several  sup- 
posed he  was  merely  hunting  ''  big  game." 

At  Bruceton  the  "New  Road"  turned  north- 
east toward  Braddock's  Road,  while  McCullough's 
Path^^  turned  southeast  toward  the  "Great 
Glades  of  the  Yoh."  This  path,  which  owed  "  its 
origin  to  Buffaloes,"  affords  an  interesting  illus- 
tration of  the  fact  that  the  pioneers  of  the  West 
were  greatly  indebted  to  the  buffalo  for  their  first 
passageways ;  what  adds  to  the  interest  is  the  fact 
that  this  was  as  true  in  the  Alleghanies  as  in  Ken- 
tucky and  all  the  Middle  West;  the  range  of  the 
buffalo  did  not  extend  to  the  Atlantic  seaboard, 
but  Washington's  references  here  and  later  show 
that  it  extended  at  least  to  Western  Maryland. 

A  study  of  the  records  at  the  law  office  at  An- 
napolis show  that  there  were  two  McCullough's 
paths,  an  "  Old  Path  "  and  a  "  New  Path  " ;  they 
are  remembered,  though  the  bold  pioneer  whose 
name  they  bore  is  quite  forgotten.*  The  "  Old 
Path  "  led  from  Ice's  ferry,  which  in  earliest  days 
was  known  as  "McCullough's  Landing,"!  to 
Bruceton  and  from  thence  by  way  of  "  Castle 

*  The  names  McCulloch  and  McCullough  were  common  in 
northwestern  Virginia;  see  Reuben  Gold  Thwaites,  Withers's 
Chronicles  of  Border  Warfare  (Cincinnati,  1895),  Index.  Wash- 
ington spells  the  name  both  ways,  and  the  present  writer  knows 
not  the  name  of  the  marker  of  the  early  routes  through  the 
Glades. 

t  Butterfield,  Washington-Crawford  Letters,  6. 

168 


86-90]     AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

Hill "  on  Backbone  Mountain  to  the  North  Branch 
(of  the  Potomac)  at  Bloomington,  Maryland. 
The  *'New  Road"  led  from  Dunkard's  Bottom, 
passing  near  Oakland,  to  Fort  Pendleton  on  the 
North  Branch. 

Washington  left  Bruceton  on  the  "  Old  Path," 
but  left  it  under  the  guidance  of  one  Lemon,^®  an 
unknown  frontiersman  bearing  a  name  very  well 
known  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  and  pursued  a 
''small  path"  across  Briery  or  Snaggy  Moun- 
tain ;^^  the  party  lay  on  the  edge  of  the  Great 
Glades  of  the  Youghiogheny  on  the  night  of  Sep- 
tember 25,  distant  some  eight  miles  from  Dun- 
kard's Bottom,  near  the  present  Crainsville, 
Maryland.^^  Pressing  on  the  next  day  after  a 
wet  night  in  the  open  they  passed  near  Oakland 
and  came  to  the  pioneer  home  of  Charles  Friend  ^® 
on  the  Stephen  Browning  farm— formerly  the 
"Arnold  place" — near  Oakland.  A  beautiful 
field  of  waving  grain  covers  the  site  of  the  old 
cabin  where  the  illustrious  traveler  could  get  no- 
thing for  his  horses.  Washington,  however,  was 
satisfied  that  a  good  road  could  be  made  over  the 
route  he  had  come. 

Governor  Thomas  Johnson  ^^  of  Maryland  had 
patented  portions  of  this  Garden  of  the  Allegha- 
nies,  and  the  patent  describes  or  ''calls  for,"  as 
surveyors  say,  McCuUough's  Path.    It  reads : 

"The  said  State  does  hereby  Grant  unto  him 
169 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  ^'^ 

the  said  Thomas  Johnson,  Esquire,  all  that  the 
aforesaid  tract  or  parcel  of  land  called  '  Thomas 
and  Ann/  lying  in  Washington  County. 

"  Beginning  at  four  bounded  white  Oaks  stand- 
ing on  the  West  side  of  McCullock's  Road  in  a  large 
glade  commonly  called  and  known  by  the  name  of 
Hurley's  Glade.  .  .  ."  *  Johnson  was  one  of  the 
great  Southern  patriots  of  whom  John  Adams 
said  "  if  it  had  not  been  for  such  [Southern]  men 
as  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Samuel 
Chase  and  Thomas  Johnson,  there  never  would 
have  been  any  Revolution."  At  least  as  early  as 
1770  Washington  and  Johnson  were  in  corre- 
spondence respecting  the  plan  of  making  the  Po- 
tomac navigable  and  joining  it  with  the  Ohio 
River.  The  latter  was  a  delegate  to  Congress 
1 775-1 779,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  in  1775  nomi- 
nated Washington  for  the  office  of  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  American  Army;  he  was  Gov- 
ernor of  Maryland  from  1777  to  1779.  Along 
with  Patrick  Henry  he  was  one  of  the  few  Revolu- 
tionary patriots  who,  like  Washington,  had  in- 
vested money  in  Western  lands. 

The  fair  character  of  the  sunny  glades  is  hinted 
at  by  Washington.^^  The  first  tracts  of  land  pat- 
ented here  by  pioneers  were  given  names  signifi- 
cantly  beautiful;  one   was    "Promised    Land," 

*  Records  of  Land  Office  of  Maryland,  at  Annapolis, 
Liber  JC,  No.  6,  fol.  6  seq. 

170 


^21        AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

another  "Milk  and  Honey,"  another  "Bucks- 
bones  "  and  yet  another  "  Hinches  Discovery."  A 
pretty  name  for  a  pioneer  claim  was  "  The  Dia- 
dem," the  patent  for  which  called  for  McCul- 
lough's  Path  again  as  follows :  "  .  .  .  The  State 
of  Maryland  doth  therefore  hereby  grant  unto  the 
said  George  Robins  Hayward  and  Thomas  Hay- 
ward  the  said  tract  of  land  called  '  The  Diadem/ 
lying  and  being  in  Alleghany  County  aforesaid. 

"  Beginning  at  two  bounded  wild  cherry  trees 
standing  by  the  side  of  McCollocks  Road  at  the 
lower  end  of  a  glade  on  the  North  side  of  a  fork  of 
Muddy  Creek.  .  .  ."  *  The  records  show  that 
this  tract  was  surveyed  April  ii,  1774,  and  pat- 
ented December  3,  1791,  seventeen  years  elaps- 
ing between  survey  and  patent ;  yet  in  the  case  of 
Washington's  Pennsylvania  lands  but  three  or 
four  years  elapsed  between  survey  and  patent. 

A  mile  before  reaching  Charles  Friends  the 
Washingtons  crossed  the  Youghiogheny  River  ^^ 
near  what  is  now  Webster's  Switch  on  the  Balti- 
more and  Ohio  Railroad  between  Oakland  and 
Mountain  Lake  Park;  a  bridge  was  erected  over 
the  old  ford  when  the  pioneer  "  Moorfield  Road  " 
was  built  on  the  buffalo  trace,  and  the  ruins  of  the 
ancient  piers  will  be  seen  by  the  explorer  who  fol- 
lows the  romantic  pathway  of  that  road  of  a  by- 

*  Records  of  Land  Office  of  Maryland,  at  Annapolis, 
Liber  JC,  No.  G,  fol.  115  scq. 

171 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE  p^ 

gone  century.  And  as  you  look  across  the  river 
at  the  bottom  of  that  great  ravine  the  heavy  si- 
lence is  suddenly  broken  by  a  roar  as  loud  as 
though  a  score  of  mountain  howitzers  had  been 
unmasked,  and  a  heavy,  magnificent  "limited" 
hurtles  above  you  through  the  lifting  fogs;  it  is 
a  thundering  answer  to  the  important  questions 
which  Washington  was  raising  when  he  forded 
this  little  stream  with  his  nephew  sixscore  years 
ago ;  he  did  not  foresee  the  answer,  but  he  uttered 
the  question  first  and  loudest  of  all  his  country- 
men ;  and  as  one  explorer  turned  away  from  the 
old  ford  it  was  with  the  thought:  Washington 
crossed  the  Delaware  but  not  more  in  his  coun- 
try's service  than  when  he  splashed  across  the 
Youghiogheny  in  this  dark  vale  in  the  AUegha- 
nies ;  in  the  former  instance  he  was  typically  First 
in  War ;  here  he  stands  typically  First  in  Peace. 
I  love  the  "Washington  Crossing  the  Youghio- 
gheny"; the  very  act  shows  how  broad-minded 
and  far-sighted  a  man  he  was  and  what  were  his 
splendid  powers  of  initiative;  no  Fabian  policy 
here  but  rather  a  fascinating  series  of  active,  dar- 
ing plans  for  the  union  of  a  land  that  was  nothing 
except  free. 

From  Friends  the  travelers  pushed  forward  to 
Archy's  Spring,^^  now  called  by  the  old  name,  sit- 
uated by  the  farm-house  of  George  B.  McClellan 
Friend,  three  miles  from  Oakland.     The  Friends 

172 


9^100]     AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

of  this  region  are  all  related  more  or  less  closely 
to  the  pioneer  Charles  Friend;  the  ancient  spring- 
is  well-housed  to-day,  and  above  it  on  a  dry  knoll 
is  a  vestige  of  an  old  cabin-site. 

Pursuing  the  pathway  which  can  still  be  fol- 
lowed easily  in  the  forests,  Washington  crossed 
Backbone  Mountain  and  came  down  into  Ryan's 
Glade  ^"^  at  the  old  William  Lower  place,  five  miles 
beyond,  where  Thomas  Logston  lived ;  ^^  thence  to 
Joseph  Logston's  ^^  on  the  present  site  of  the  old 
Henry  Bruce  farm  now  owned  by  William  Will- 
deson.  Four  miles  more  brought  them  to  the  Po- 
tomac at  Thomas  Logston's  ^^  clearing  on  the 
present  site  of  Fort  Pendleton,  West  Virginia 
With  every  one  met,  the  practicability  of  putting 
a  road  through  from  near  Fort  Pendleton  to  Dun- 
kard's  Bottom  was  discussed,  and  from  a  brother 
of  Thomas  Logston's  Washington  received  a  fa- 
vorable report  of  the  portage  between  the  head  of 
the  James  ^^  and  the  head  of  New  River. 

Leaving  Logston's  September  27,  the  Wash- 
ingtons  crossed  Stony  Creek  or  "  River  "  ^^  a  little 
north  of  the  present  Northwestern  Turnpike 
bridge  and  traveled  to  the  home  of  Abraham 
Hite^*^^  on  the  South  Branch  (of  the  Potomac)  by 
the  way  of  the  head  of  Patterson's  Creek  evidently 
still  on  what  was  known  as  McCullough's  Path. 
Hite  lived  at  what  is  now  Port  Pleasant.  On  the 
twenty-ninth,  Washington,  who  desired  to  visit 

173 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE       ^'''-''' 

Thomas  Lewis  near  Staunton,  sent  Bushrod 
Washington  onward  to  Warner  Washington's  to 
bid  Dr.  Craik  and  son  not  to  wait  there,  and  pro- 
ceeded himself  to  near  Harrisonburg,^*^^  Rocking- 
ham County,  Virginia.  Passing  down  the  north- 
ern tributary  of  the  Shenandoah  and  through 
Brock's  Gap^^^  he  reached  Mr.  Lewis's  at  sun- 
down on  the  last  day  of  September.  Proceeding 
on  October  2d  he  passes  through  Swift  Run  Gap^*^^ 
in  the  Blue  Ridge,  which  here  is  the  boundary  line 
between  Rockbridge  and  Green  counties  and  fol- 
lows the  Culpeper  road.  Breakfasting  at  Cul- 
peper  Court  House  ^°^  on  the  morning  of  October 
3  he  reaches  one  Ashby's  tavern  ^°^  near  Elk  Run 
Church  that  night,  and  passing  through  Colches- 
ter the  next  day  rides  to  Mount  Vernon  before 
nightfall,  October  4. 

Immediately  upon  his  arrival  at  home  Wash- 
ington summarizes  his  journal  and  draws  a  plan 
for  the  commercial  union  of  the  Great  Lakes,  and 
the  country  between  (Ohio  and  Western  Pennsyl- 
vania), with  Virginia  by  way  of  the  Monongahela 
and  Potomac  rivers.  He  gives  figures  which  show 
that  no  other  route  compares  in  shortness  of  dis- 
tance with  the  Monongahela  route.  So  far  as  the 
objections  of  Philadelphia  merchants  are  con- 
cerned, Washington  now  comes  out  squarely  on 
the  American  principle  of  the  greatest  good  to  the 

174 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

greatest  number  and  advances  the  proposition  that 
the  inhabitants  of  western  Pennsylvania  have  a 
right  to  demand  of  that  State  to  open  the  com- 
munication which  will  benefit  them  most.  He 
states  that  numbers  of  people  in  that  region  were 
thinking  of  demanding  a  separation  from  Penn- 
sylvania if  the  most  practical  communication  with 
the  seaboard  was  kept  closed  because  of  selfish 
interests.  These  were,  undoubtedly,  the  influen- 
tial Virginians  with  whom  Washington  became 
acquainted.  This  was  not,  as  it  may  seem,  an  in- 
dication of  mere  partisanship ;  so  far  as  the  water- 
ways were  concerned,  the  Monongahela-Po- 
tomac  route  was  the  most  practicable  of  any 
between  the  Ohio  basin  and  Atlantic  tide-water. 

Of  course  the  Virginians  made  the  most  of  this, 
and  without  delaying  a  week,  Washington  pre- 
sents in  a  letter  to  Governor  Harrison  the  whole 
problem;  this  letter  serves  to  interpret  the  sum- 
mary of  his  diary ;  a  small  portion  that  is  almost 
a  quotation  from  it  is  omitted : 

'' Mount  Vernon,  October  lo,  1784. 
''Dear  Sir: 

"  Upon  my  return  from  the  western  country  a 
few  days  ago,  I  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your 
favor  of  the  17th  ultimo.  .  .  . 

"  I  shall  take  the  liberty  now,  my  dear  Sir,  to 
suggest  a  matter,  which  would  (if  I  am  not  a 

175 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE      '^°™* 

shortsighted  poHtician)  mark  your  administra- 
tion as  an  important  era  in  the  annals  of  this  coun- 
try, if  it  should  be  recommended  by  you  and 
adopted  by  the  Assembly. 

"  It  has  long  been  my  decided  opinion,  that  the 
shortest,  easiest  and  least  expensive  communica- 
tion with  the  invaluable  and  extensive  country 
back  of  us  would  be  by  one  or  both  of  the  rivers 
of  this  State,  which  have  their  sources  in  the 
Apalachian  Mountains.  Nor  am  I  singular  in  this 
opinion.  Evans,  in  his  Map  and  Analysis  of  the 
Middle  Colonies,*  which,  considering  the  early 
period  at  which  they  were  given  to  the  public,  are 
done  with  amazing  exactness,  and  Hutchins  since, 
in  his  Topographical  Description  of  the  Western 
country,f  a  good  part  of  which  is  from  actual  sur- 

*  Lewis  Evans's  Map  of  1755  "  corrected "  and  published  in 
Thomas  Pownall,  Topographical  Description  . . .  of  North  Amer- 
ica (London,  1776). 

t  Thomas  Hutchins,  Topographical  Description,  etc.  (London, 
1778). 

(106)  December  16-22,  1753,  Journal  of  1753-54;  Sparks,  Writ- 
ings of  Washington,  H,  444. 

(107)  Erie,  Pennsylvania. 

(108)  National  Intelligencer,  August  26,  1847;  Charles  Moore, 
The  Northwest  Under  Three  Flags,  325;  Sparks,  Writings  of 
Washington,  VIII,  483;  IX,  48. 

(109)  Washington  made  Detroit  the  commercial  center  of 
Greater  America,  as  it  had  been  the  center  of  the  old  Northwest ; 
he  proposed  to  include  it  in  the  first  state  created;  see  second 
reference  in  the  preceding  note  (108). 

(log^)  These  tables  of  distances  are  in  the  appendix  of  Hut- 
chins's  Topographical  Description. 

176 


110]        AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

veys,  are  decidedly  of  the  same  sentiments;  as 
indeed  are  all  others,  who  have  had  opportunities, 
and  have  been  at  the  pains,  to  investigate  and  con- 
sider the  subject. 

"  But  that  this  may  not  now  stand  as  matter  of 
opinion  and  assertion,  unsupported  by  facts  (such 
at  least  as  the  best  maps  now  extant,  compared 
with  the  oral  testimony,  which  my  opportunities 
in  the  course  of  the  war  have  enabled  me  to  ob- 
tain), I  shall  give  you  the  different  routes  and  dis- 
tances from  Detroit,  by  w^iich  all  the  trade  of  the 
northwestern  parts  of  the  united  territory  must 
pass;  unless  the  Spaniards,  contrary  to  their 
present  policy,  should  engage  part  of  it,  or  the 
British  should  attempt  to  force  nature,  by  carry- 
ing the  trade  of  the  Upper  Lakes  by  the  River 
Utawas  [Ottawa]  into  Canada,  which  I  scarcely 
think  they  will  or  could  effect.  Taking  Detroit 
then  (which  is  putting  ourselves  in  as  unfavorable 
a  point  of  view  as  wx  can  be  well  placed  in,  because 
it  is  upon  the  line  of  the  British  territory,)  as  a 
point  by  which,  as  I  have  already  observed,  all 
that  part  of  the  trade  must  come,  it  appears  from 
the  statement  enclosed,  that  the  tide  waters  of  this 
State  ^^"^  are  nearer  to  it  by  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
eight  miles,  than  those  of  the  River  St.  Law- 
rence "" ;  or  than  those  of  the  Hudson  at  Albany, 
by  one  hundred  and  seventy-six  miles. ^^^ 

"Maryland  stands  upon  similar  ground  with 

177 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

Virginia.  Pennsylvania,  although  the  Susque- 
hanna is  an  unfriendly  [obstructed]  water,  much 
impeded,  it  is  said,  with  rocks  and  rapids,  and 
nowhere  communicating  with  those,  which  lead  to 
her  capital  [Philadelphia] ,  has  it  in  contemplation 
to  open  a  communication  between  Toby's  Creek, 
which  empties  into  the  Alleghany  River  ninety- 
five  miles  above  Fort  Pitt,  and  the  west  branch  of 
the  Susquehanna,  and  to  cut  a  canal  between  the 
waters  of  the  latter  and  the  Schuylkill ;  *  the  ex- 
pense of  which  is  easier  to  be  conceived,  than  esti- 
mated or  described  by  me.  A  people,  however, 
who  are  possessed  of  the  spirit  of  commerce,  who 
see  and  who  will  pursue  their  advantages,  may 
achieve  almost  anything.  In  the  meantime,  under 
the  uncertainty  of  these  undertakings,  they  are 
smoothing  the  roads  and  paving  the  ways  for  the 
trade  of  that  Western  world.  That  New  York 
will  do  the  same  as  soon  as  the  British  garrisons 
are  removed,  which  are  at  present  insurmountable 
obstacles  in  their  way,  no  person,  who  knows  the 
temper,  genius,  and  policy  of  those  people  as  well 
as  I  do,  can  harbour  the  smallest  doubt. 

"  Thus  much  with  respect  to  rival  States.  Let 
me  now  take  a  short  view  of  our  own ;  and  being 
aware  of  the  objections  which  are  in  the  way,  I 

*  This  earliest  planned  lock-canal  in  America,  from  near  Read- 
ing on  the  Schuylkill  to  Middletown  on  the  Susquehanna,  was 
proposed  in  1762,  but  was  not  begun  until  1791.  See  Hulbert, 
Historic  Highways  of  America,  XIII,  22. 

178 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

will,  in  order  to  contrast  them,  enumerate  them 
with  the  advantages. 

"  The  first  and  principal  one  is  the  unfortunate 
jealousy,  which  ever  has,  and  it  is  to  be  feared 
ever  will  prevail,  lest  one  part  [Potomac]  of  the 
State  should  obtain  an  advantage  over  the  other 
[James]  parts,  as  if  the  benefits  of  the  trade  were 
not  diffusive  and  beneficial  to  all.  Then  follows 
a  train  of  difficulties,  namely,  that  our  people  are 
already  heavily  taxed;  that  we  have  no  money; 
that  the  advantages  of  this  trade  are  remote  [not 
immediate] ;  that  the  most  direct  route  for  it  is 
through  other  States,  over  which  we  have  no  con- 
trol ;  that  the  routes  over  which  we  have  control 
are  as  distant  as  either  of  those  which  lead  to 
Philadelphia,  Albany,  or  Montreal;  that  a  suffi- 
cient spirit  of  commerce  does  not  pervade  the  citi- 
zens of  this  commonwealth;  and  that  we  are  in 
fact  doing  for  others,  what  they  ought  to  do  for 
themselves. 

*' Without  going  into  the  investigation  of  a 
question,  which  has  employed  the  pens  of  all  poli- 
ticians, namely,  whether  trade  with  foreigners  is 
an  advantage  or  disadvantage  to  a  country,  this 
State,  as  a  part  of  the  Confederated  States,  all  of 
which  have  the  spirit  of  it  very  strongly  working 
within  them,  must  adopt  it  or  submit  to  the  evils 
arising  therefrom  without  receiving  its  benefits. 
Common   policy,   therefore,   points   clearly   and 

179 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

strongly  to  the  propriety  of  our  enjoying  all  the 
advantages,  which  nature  and  our  local  situation 
afford  us;  and  evinces  clearly,  that,  unless  this 
spirit  could  be  totally  eradicated  in  other  States  as 
well  as  in  this,  and  every  man  made  to  become 
either  a  cultivator  of  the  land  or  a  manufacturer 
of  such  articles  as  are  prompted  by  necessity,  such 
stimulus  should  be  employed  as  will  force  this 
spirit,  by  showing  to  our  countrymen  the  superior 
advantages  we  possess  beyond  others,  and  the  im- 
portance of  being  upon  an  equal  footing  with  our 
neighbors. 

"  If  this  is  fair  reasoning,  it  ought  to  follow  as 
a  consequence,  that  we  should  do  our  part  towards 
opening  the  communication  for  the  fur  and  peltry 
trade  of  the  Lakes  and  for  the  produce  of  the  coun- 
try which  lies  within,  and  which  will,  as  soon  as 
matters  are  settled  with  the  Indians,  and  the  terms 
on  which  Congress  means  to  dispose  of  the  land, 
found  to  be  favorable,  are  announced,  be  settled 
faster  than  any  other  ever  was,  or  anyone  would 
imagine.  This,  then,  when  considered  is  an  inter- 
ested point  of  view,  is  alone  sufficient  to  excite  our 
endeavors.  But  in  my  opinion  there  is  a  political 
consideration  for  so  doing  which  is  of  still  greater 
importance.  .  .  .  [Three  paragraphs  which  only 
paraphrase  those  of  the  diary.] 

"The  preliminary  steps  to  the  attainment  of 
i8o 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

this  great  object  [opening  communications]  would 
be  attended  with  very  httle  expense,  and  might, 
at  the  same  time  that  it  served  to  attract  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Western  country,  and  convince  the 
wavering  inhabitants  of  our  disposition  to  connect 
ourselves  with  them,  and  facilitate  their  commerce 
with  us,  be  a  means  of  removing  those  jealousies, 
which  otherwise  might  take  place  among  our- 
selves. 

"  These,  in  my  opinion,  are,  to  appoint  commis- 
sioners, who,  from  their  situation,  integrity,  and 
abilities,  can  be  under  no  suspicion  of  prejudice 
or  predilection  to  one  part  more  than  to  another. 
Let  these  commissioners  make  an  actual  survey  of 
James  River  and  the  Potomac  from  tide-water  to 
their  respective  sources;  note  with  great  accur- 
acy the  kind  of  navigation  and  the  obstructions, 
the  difficulty  and  expense  attending  the  removal 
of  these  obstructions,  the  distances  from  place  to 
place  through  their  whole  extent,  and  the  nearest 
and  best  portage  between  these  waters  and  the 
streams  capable  of  improvement,  which  run  into 
the  Ohio;  traverse  these  in  like  manner  to  their 
junction  with  the  Ohio,  and  with  equal  accuracy. 
The  navigation  of  the  Ohio  being  well  known, 
they  will  have  less  to  do  in  the  examination  of  it ; 
but,  nevertheless,  let  the  courses  and  distances  be 
taken  to  the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum,  and  up  that 

i8i 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

river  (notwithstanding  it  is  in  the  ceded  lands)  *  to 
the  carrying-place  to  the  Cayahoga;  down  the 
Cayahoga  to  Lake  Erie;  and  thence  to  Detroit. 
Let  them  do  the  same  with  Big  Beaver  Creek,  al- 
though part  of  it  is  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania ; 
and  also  with  the  Scioto.  In  a  word,  Let  the 
waters  east  and  west  of  the  Ohio,  which  invite  our 
notice  by  their  proximity,  and  by  the  ease  with 
which  land  transportation  may  be  had  between 
them  and  the  Lakes  on  one  side,  and  the  Rivers 
Potomac  and  James  on  the  other,  be  explored,  ac- 
curately delineated,  and  a  correct  and  connected 
map  of  the  whole  be  presented  to  the  public. 
These  things  being  done,  I  shall  be  mistaken  if 
prejudice  does  not  yield  to  facts,  jealousy  to  can- 
dor, and,  finally,  if  reason  and  nature,  thus  aided, 
do  not  dictate  what  is  right  and  proper  to  be  done. 
"  In  the  mean  while,  if  it  should  be  thought  that 
the  lapse  of  time  which  is  necessary  to  effect  the 
work,  may  be  attended  with  injurious  conse- 
quences, could  not  there  be  a  sum  of  money 
granted  towards  opening  the  best,  or,  if  it  should 
be  deemed  more  eligible,  two  of  the  nearest  com- 
munications (one  to  the  northward  and  another  to 
the  southward)  with  the  settlements  to  the  west- 
ward; and  an  act  be  passed,  if  there  should  not 

*  By  the  Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  (Rome,  New  York),  October, 
1784,  the  western  boundary  line  of  Pennsylvania  was  established 
as  the  line  between  the  United  States  and  the  Six  Nations,  who, 
nominally,  were  the  owners  of  the  "  Northwest." 

182 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

appear  a  manifest  disposition  in  the  Assembly  to 
make  it  a  public  undertaking,  to  incorporate  and 
encourage  private  adventurers,  if  any  should  asso- 
ciate and  solicit  the  same,  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
tending the  navigation  of  the  Potomac  or  James 
River ;  and,  in  the  former  case,  to  request  the  con- 
currence of  Maryland  in  the  measure  ?  It  will  ap- 
pear from  my  statement  of  the  different  routes 
(and,  as  far  as  my  means  of  information  have  ex- 
tended, I  have  done  it  with  the  utmost  candor), 
that  all  the  produce  of  the  settlements  about  Fort 
Pitt  can  be  brought  to  Alexandria  by  the  Youghio- 
gheny  in  three  hundred  and  four  miles,  whereof 
only  thirty-one  are  land  transportation;  and  by 
the  Monongahela  and  Cheat  Rivers  in  three  hun- 
dred and  sixty  miles,  twenty  of  which  only  are 
land  carriage.*  Whereas  the  common  road  from 
Fort  Pitt  to  Philadelphia  is  three  hundred  and 
twenty  miles,  all  land  transportation;  or  four 
hundred  and  seventy-six  miles  if  the  Ohio,  Toby's 
Creek,  Susquehanna,  and  Schuylkill  are  made  use 
of  for  this  purpose.  How  much  of  this  is  by  land, 
I  know  not ;  but  from  the  nature  of  the  country  it 
must  be  very  considerable.  How  much  the  inter- 
est and  feelings  of  people  thus  circumstanced 
would  be  engaged  to  promote  it,  requires  no  illus- 
tration. 

*  It  is  evident  that  Washington  follows  exactly 
the  schedule  given  in  the  Diary. 

183 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

"...  I  think  it  highly  probable,  ...  if  the  Falls 
of  the  Great  Kanawha  can  be  made  navigable,  or 
a  short  portage  be  had  there,  it  will  be  found  of 
equal  importance  and  convenience  to  improve  the 
navigation  of  both  the  James  and  Potomac.  The 
latter  .  .  .  offers  the  nearest  communication  with 
the  Lakes ;  but  James  River  may  be  more  conve- 
nient for  all  the  settlers  [on  the  Ohio]  below  the 
mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha,  and  for  some  dis- 
tance perhaps  above  and  west  of  it ;  for  I  have  no 
expectation  that  any  part  of  the  trade  above  the 
falls  of  the  Ohio  will  go  down  that  river  and  the 
Mississippi,  much  less  that  the  returns  [barter] 
will  ever  come  up  them,  unless  our  want  of  fore- 
sight and  good  management  is  the  occasion  of  it. 
Or,  upon  trial,  if  it  should  be  found  that  these 
rivers,  from  the  before  mentioned  Falls,  will  ad- 
mit the  descent  of  sea-vessels,  in  that  case,  and 
the  navigation  of  the  former  becoming  free,  it  is 
probable  that  both  vessels  and  cargoes  will  be  car- 
ried to  foreign  markets  and  sold ;  but  the  returns 
for  them  will  never  in  the  natural  course  of  things 
ascend  the  long  and  rapid  current  of  that  river, 
which  with  the  Ohio  to  the  Falls,  in  their  meander- 
ings,  is  little  if  any  short  of  two  thousand  miles. 
In  this  light  I  think  posterity  will  consider  it,  and 
regret,  if  our  conduct  should  give  them  cause,  that 
the  present  favorable  moment  to  secure  so  great  a 
blessing  for  them  was  neglected. 

184 


.1    Warner  alias  Byans  Glades 
r.   Archers  Spring 


WASHINGTON'S 


[This  map  was  evidently  ma 
"  McCuUoghs  Road"  on  " 
tage  route  selected  by  Wash 
Large  capital  A  marks  the  pi 
of  Cheat,"  etc.,  mean  that  th 
Mountain.  This  map  was  pi 
ing  a  coarse  for  that  canal  no 


WASHINGTON'S    MAP   OF   THE   COUNTRY    BETWEEN    THE    POTOMAC   AND   YOUGHIOGHENY 
RIVERS  [1784] 


ledialely  upon  the  General's 
■s"  IPattereon'st  Creek  is  sh 
.  Small  c 
t  I'endleton  :  the  figure  40 
road  to  that  river  must  be 
n  Stewart's  Report  (H-  R, 


The  dolled  lin 


"lYt  s'lss^i.nTlgth  Coi 
line  from  North  Bra 


o  Cumberland      Th 


,  Ryan's  Cla< 

'  ^rland. 
"Dividing  RldKe"  is  HackliLin 

'years  be'for^i 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

"  One  thing  more  remains,  which  I  had  like  to 
have  forgotten,  and  that  is,  the  supposed  difficulty 
of  obtaining  a  passage  through  the  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania. How  an  application  to  its  legislature 
would  be  relished,  in  the  first  instance,  I  will  not 
undertake  to  decide ;  but  of  one  thing  I  am  almost 
certain,  such  an  application  would  place  that  body 
in  a  very  delicate  situation.  There  are  in  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania  at  least  one  hundred  thou- 
sand souls  west  of  the  Laurel  Hill,  who  are  groan- 
ing under  the  inconveniences  of  a  long  land  trans- 
portation. They  are  wishing,  indeed  they  are 
looking,  for  the  improvement  and  extension  of  in- 
land navigation ;  and,  if  this  cannot  be  made  easy 
for  them  to  Philadelphia  (at  any  rate  it  must  be 
long),  they  will  seek  a  mart  elsewhere ;  the  conse- 
quence of  which  would  be,  that  the  State,  though 
contrary  to  the  interests  of  its  sea-ports,  must  sub- 
mit to  the  loss  of  so  much  of  its  trade,  or  hazard 
not  only  the  loss  of  the  trade  but  the  loss  of  the 
settlement  also ;  for  an  opposition  on  the  part  of 
government  to  the  extension  of  water  transpor- 
tation, so  consonant  with  the  essential  interests 
of  a  large  body  of  people,  or  any  extraordinary 
impositions  upon  the  exports  or  imports  to  or 
from  another  State,  would  ultimately  bring  on  a 
separation  between  its  eastern  and  western  settle- 
ments ;  towards  which  there  is  not  wanting  a  dis- 
position at  this  moment  in  that  part  of  it  beyond 

185 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

the  mountains.  .  .  .*  What  I  now  give  is  crude; 
but  if  you  are  in  sentiment  with  me,  I  have  said 
enough ;  if  there  is  not  an  accordance  of  opinion, 
I  have  said  too  much ;  and  all  I  pray  in  the  latter 
case  is,  that  you  will  do  me  the  justice  to  believe 
my  motives  are  pure,  however  erroneous  my  judg- 
ment may  be  in  this  matter."  f 

This  was  more  than  a  private  letter,  for  the 
Governor  presented  it  bodily  to  the  Virginia  As- 
sembly as  a  State  Paper,  as  Harrison  wrote  Wash- 
ington November  13  the  following:  "I  was  in 
great  hopes  of  seeing  you  here  [Richmond]  be- 
fore this,  that  I  might  .  .  .  tell  you  how  much  I 
approve  of  your  plan  for  opening  the  navigation 
of  the  western  waters.  The  letter  was  so  much 
more  explicit  than  I  could  be,  that  I  took  the  lib- 
erty to  lay  it  before  the  Assembly,  who  appear  so 
impressed  with  the  utility  of  the  measure,  that  I 
dare  say  they  will  order  the  survey  you  propose 
immediately,  and  will  at  their  next  sitting  proceed 
to  carry  the  plan  into  execution."  J 

The  Governor's  words  came  true,  for  both 
Maryland  and  Virginia  passed  a  law  §  in  the 
spring  (1785),  authorizing  the  formation  of  a 
company  to  proceed  with  the  opening  of  the  navi- 

*  This  omitted  sentence  refers  to  Rumsey's  invention  and  is 
an  exact  quotation  from  the  Diary. 

t  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  IX,  58-68. 

t  Id.,  IX,  68,  note. 

§Henning,  The  Statutes  at  Large,  XI,  ch.  xliii. 

186 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

gation  of  the  Potomac  and  the  building  of  a  high- 
way from  the  uttermost  navigable  waters  of  the 
nearest  Western  water ;  Pennsylvania  was  to  be 
asked  to  improve  the  navigation  of  any  stream  in 
her  territory  that  was  found  to  be  the  best  avenue 
between  the  Potomac  and  Ohio.  Subscription 
books  were  opened  February  8,  1785,  and  a  meet- 
ing of  subscribers  was  called  for  May  17.  Four 
hundred  and  three  shares,  it  was  found,  had  been 
subscribed,  making  the  capital  about  $200,000. 
General  Washington  was  elected  President  of  the 
Potomac  Company,  as  it  was  called,  and  Thomas 
Johnson,  Thomas  Sim  Lee,  John  Fitzgerald  and 
George  Gilpin  were  elected  directors.  Work  was 
soon  begun  on  the  Potomac,  under  the  superin- 
tendency  of  "  the  ingenious  M""  Rumsey "  whom 
Washington  called  to  the  task,  in  rendering  navi- 
gation possible  around  Great  Falls  (near  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. ) ,  Seneca  Falls  and  Shenandoah  Falls 
at  Harper's  Ferry.* 

But,  Virginian  though  he  was,  Washington  did 
not  intend  to  limit  the  benefit  of  his  recent  explor- 
ation; on  December  14  he  wrote  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  President  of  Congress,  in  much  the  same 
strain :  **  The  Assemblies  of  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land have  now  under  consideration  the  extension 

*  The  history  of  the  Potomac  Company  has  been  sketched  by 
John  Pickell,  A  New  Chapter  in  the  Early  Life  of  Washington 
(New  York,  1856). 

187 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

of  the  inland  navigation  of  the  rivers  Potomac  and 
James,  and  opening  a  communication  between 
them  and  the  western  waters.  They  seem  fully 
impressed  with  the  political  as  well  as  the  com- 
mercial advantages  which  would  result  from  the 
accomplishment  of  these  great  objects,  and  I  hope 
will  embrace  the  present  moment  to  put  them  in  a 
train  for  execution.  Would  it  not,  at  the  same 
time,  be  worthy  of  the  wisdom  and  attention  of 
Congress  to  have  the  western  waters  well  ex- 
plored, the  navigation  of  them  fully  ascertained, 
accurately  laid  down,  and  a  complete  and  perfect 
map  made  of  the  country;  at  least  as  far  westerly 
as  the  Miamies,  running  into  the  Ohio  and  Lake 
Erie,*  and  to  see  how  the  waters  of  these  com- 
municate with  the  River  St.  Joseph,  which  empties 
into  the  Lake  Michigan,  and  with  the  Wabash? 
For  I  cannot  forbear  observing  that  the  Miami  vil- 
lage, in  Hutchins's  map,  if  it  and  the  waters  are 
laid  down  with  accuracy,  points  to  a  very  impor- 
tant post  [fort]  for  the  Union.f  The  expense  at- 
tending such  an  undertaking  could  not  be  great, 
the  advantages  would  be  unbounded;  for  sure  I 
am,  nature  has  made  such  a  display  of  her  bounties 
in  those  regions,  that  the  more  the  country  is  ex- 
plored, the  more  it  will  rise  in  estimation,  conse- 

*  Miami,  running  southwest  into  the   Ohio,  and  the  Maumee 
("  Miami-of-the-Lakes  "),  flowing  northward  into  Lake  Erie, 
t  Fort  Wayne,  Indiana. 

i88 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

quently  the  greater  will  the  revenue  be  to  the 
Union.  .  .  .  The  spirit  of  emigration  is  great. 
People  have  got  impatient,  and,  though  you  can- 
not stop  the  road,  it  is  yet  in  your  power  to  mark 
the  way ;  a  little  while  and  you  will  not  be  able  to 
do  either.  It  is  easier  to  prevent  than  to  remedy 
an  evil.  .  .  ."  * 

Here  Washington  advances  a  new  and  impor- 
tant reason  for  "  making  a  smooth  road  "  to  the 
West,  namely,  a  military  one.  Within  six  months 
he  wrote  Major  General  Knox,  "  Secretary  at 
War :  "  "  If  I  am  right  in  my  principles,  some  such 
distribution  as  the  following  may  not  be  ineligible 
for  the  seven  hundred  men,  that  are  ordered  to  be 
raised.  At  Fort  Pitt,  Fort  Mcintosh,  or  the 
mouth  of  the  Big  Beaver,  being  in  the  vicinity  of 
a  thick  settlement,  only  one  hundred  men.  At 
Cayahoga,  whence  a  detachment  might  occupy 
the  carrying-place  between  that  water  and  the  Big 
Beaver,  being  on  the  line  and  most  exposed,  I  al- 
low two  hundred.  At  Miami  Fort,  or  Village, 
and  dependencies,  two  hundred.  At  the  Falls  of 
Ohio  [Louisville],  or  some  spot  more  convenient 
and  healthy  on  that  river,  one  hundred  and  fifty. 
At  the  conflux  of  the  Great  Kanawha  and  the 
Ohio,  for  security  of  the  river,  protection  of  trade 
and  covering  emigrants,  fifty."  f 

*  sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  IX,  8o-8l. 
t  Id.,  IX,  iio-iii. 

189 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

Another  question  of  national  importance  as  well 
as  of  immediate  concern  was  the  control  of  the 
Mississippi;  in  connection  with  this  problem 
Washington's  plan  of  intercommunication,  as  else- 
where noted,  had  a  place.  ''  I  may  be  singular  in 
my  ideas,"  he  wrote  David  Humphreys  a  little 
later,  "  but  they  are  these ;  that,  to  open  a  door  to, 
and  make  easy  the  way  for,  .  .  .  settlers  to  the 
westward  (who  ought  to  advance  regularly  and 
compactly)  before  we  make  any  stir  about  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  before  our  set- 
tlements are  far  advanced  towards  that  river, 
would  be  our  true  line  of  policy."  *  And  he  wrote 
Lee  again:  "...  the  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, at  this  time,  ought  to  be  no  object  with  us. 
On  the  contrary,  until  we  have  a  little  time  al- 
lowed to  open  and  make  easy  the  ways  between 
the  Atlantic  States  and  the  western  territory,  the 
obstructions  had  better  remain.  There  is  nothing 
which  binds  one  country  or  one  State  to  another 
but  interest.  Without  this  cement  the  western 
inhabitants,  who  more  than  probably  will  be  com- 
posed in  a  great  degree  of  foreigners,  can  have  no 
predilection  for  us,  and  a  commercial  connection 
is  the  only  tie  we  can  have  upon  them.  .  .  .  When 
the  settlements  are  stronger  and  more  extended 
to  the  westward,  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
will  be  an  object  of  importance,  and  we  shall  then 

*  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  IX,  115. 
190 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

be  able,  reserving  our  claims,  to  speak  a  more 
efficacious  language,  than  policy,  I  think  dictates 
at  present."  *  Washington's  theory  was  popular, 
for  Lee  wrote  him:  "  But  my  dear  General,  I  do 
not  think  you  go  far  enough.  Rather  than  defer 
longer  a  free  and  liberal  system  of  trade  with 
Spain,  why  not  agree  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi? This  exclusion  will  not,  cannot,  exist 
longer  than  the  infancy  of  the  western  emi- 
grants." f  Another  hitherto  unconsidered  benefit 
to  arise  from  the  opening  of  a  westward  highway 
is  incidentally  brought  out  here,  namely,  its  influ- 
ence in  inducing  and  encouraging  emigration. 

While  noting  these  larger  problems  to  which 
the  intercommunication  plan  was  introductory,  it 
must  be  observed  that  it  vitally  concerned  what 
soon  became  the  "Territory  Northwest  of  the 
River  Ohio."  What  has  already  been  quoted  con- 
cerning the  fortification  of  the  Cuyahoga- 
Beaver  portage  and  the  Miami  Village  shows  that 
Washington  was  the  ultimate  authority  on  the 
Western  problem,  therefore  Secretary  Knox's 
question.  When,  during  his  first  presidency,  the 
Indian  War  waged  by  Harmar,  St.  Clair  and 
Wayne  attracted  the  Nation's  attention,  no  one 
knew  the  country  or  the  conditions  that  prevailed 
in  the  West  as  did  the  man  at  the  helm.  For  years 
Washington  kept  up  a  private  correspondence 

*  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  IX,  119.       t  Id.,  IX,  173,  note. 

191 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

with  military  men  on  the  frontier  for  the  sole  pur- 
pose of  getting  additional  pieces  of  information 
concerning  the  rivers  and  the  portages  of  the 
West. 

The  direct  influence  of  the  advance  steps  taken 
by  Virginia  and  Maryland  in  forming  the  Poto- 
mac Company  was  tremendous ;  it  created  no  end 
of  comment  and  speculation,  and  in  a  moment's 
time  a  score  of  prophets  arose  with  pencil  and  pad 
to  show  that  Philadelphia  or  New  York,  as  the 
case  might  be,  was,  without  question,  nearer  the 
Great  Lakes  and  Ohio  basin  than  any  Potomac 
Valley  port.  In  Pennsylvania  the  "  Society  for 
promoting  the  improvement  of  roads  and  inland 
navigation"  memorialized  the  Legislature  Febru- 
ary 7,  1 791,  in  behalf  of  a  campaign  of  inland  nav- 
igation; "  To  combine  the  interests  of  all  parts  of 
the  state,"  it  was  related,  "  and  to  cement  them  in 
a  perpetual  commercial  and  political  union,  by  the 
improvement  of  those  natural  advantages,  is  one 
of  the  greatest  works  which  can  be  submitted  to 
legislative  wisdom;  and  the  present  moment  is 
particularly  auspicious  for  the  undertaking,  and 
if  neglected,  the  loss  will  be  hard  to  retrieve."  * 
The  words  might  have  been  Washington's!  On 
the  13th  of  April  following  about  $100,000  was 

*  An  Historical  Account  of  the  Rise,  Progress  and  Present 
State  of  the  Canal  Navigation  in  Pennsylvania  (Philadelphia, 
1795),  I- 

192 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

appropriated,  of  which  $25,000  was  for  the  Sus- 
quehanna, $14,000  for  the  Conemaugh  and  $150 
for  the  AUeghany.  This  was  Pennsylvania's 
western  route.  New  York  was  a  httle  behind 
Pennsylvania;  but  on  March  30,  1792,  that  state 
passed  An  Act  for  establishing  and  opening  Lock 
Navigation  within  this  State,*  and  the  Western 
Inland  Lock  Navigation  Company  began  the  im- 
provement of  the  Mohawk-Lake  Oneida  route  to 
the  Great  Lakes.  The  leader  of  the  inland  navi- 
gation campaign  in  New  York,  Elkanah  Watson, 
received  direct  inspiration  from  Washington, 
whom  he  visited  at  Mount  Vernon;  his  host  told 
him,  among  other  things,  that  he  believed  that  the 
stock-holders  in  the  Potomac  Company  would,  in 
a  few  years,  receive  twenty  per  cent,  on  their  in- 
vestment, f  Engineers  on  the  Mohawk  route  vis- 
ited the  works  of  the  Potomac  Company  to  make 
observations  of  practical  value;  the  Potomac 
River  became  for  the  moment  the  canal  lock  uni- 
versity of  America.  They  also  visited  the  Mid- 
dlesex Canal  between  Boston  harbor  and  the  Mer- 
rimac  River,  which  was  incorporated  in  1789 
though  not  completed  until  fifteen  years  later ;  the 
first  American  canal  also  had  its  origin  in  the  days 
of  the  commercial  awakening  which  incidentally 

*  Laws  of  the  State  of  New  York,  II,  ch.  xi. 
t  Watson,  History  of  the  .  .  .  Western  Canals  in  the  State  of 
New  York,  87. 

193 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

succeeded  the  termination  of  the  Revolution.  It 
would  be  easy,  perhaps,  to  exaggerate  the  influ- 
ence exerted  by  Washington's  Potomac  Company 
in  the  similar  undertakings ;  that  they  were  more 
or  less  effected  by  Virginia's  and  Maryland's  for- 
ward step  is  sure ;  indeed,  so  far  as  the  inland  nav- 
igation projects  are  concerned,  Washington  fore- 
saw and  foretold  them,  though  he  did  not  expect 
to  see  the  Mohawk  improvement  begin  until  Eng- 
land had  released  from  her  grasp  the  Great  Lake 
positions,  Niagara  and  Detroit.  As  to  New 
York's  ability  to  open  that  channel  toward  the 
West,  we  have  seen  that  Washington  did  not 
"harbor  the  smallest  doubt."  Nor  did  the  wise 
man  begrudge  the  New  Yorkers  their  fine  oppor- 
tunity for  obtaining  the  trade  of  the  West.  "  For 
my  own  part,"  he  said  to  a  member  of  Congress, 
"  I  wish  sincerely  every  door  of  that  country  may 
be  set  wide  open,  and  the  commercial  intercourse 
with  it  rendered  as  free  and  easy  as  possible  .  .  . 
and  we  shall  be  deficient  in  foresight  and  wisdom 
if  we  neglect  the  means  of  effecting  it."  The  at- 
titude of  this  man  surely  had  its  effect  in  the 
awakening  of  New  York;  "Washington's  lan- 
guage," wrote  Professor  Adams,  "seems  almost 
prophetic." 

But  there  is  almost  no  exaggerating  the  influ- 
ence of  Washington's  attitude  to  the  West ;  just  a 
moment  longer  that  splendid  empire  lay  like  a 

194 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

giant  asleep ;  and  then  it  sprang  into  a  wonderful 
life  that  is  the  marvel  of  the  centuries.  It  is 
hardly  too  much  to  say  that  it  was  George  Wash- 
ington who  called  that  giant  from  its  sloth  of 
millenniums  to  the  deeds  witnessed  in  that  won- 
derful half  century.  In  all  phases  of  the  awaken- 
ing of  the  West — the  Mississippi  question,  the 
organization  of  the  Northwest  Territory,  the 
formulating  of  the  ordinance  of  1787  ("the  le- 
gal outcome  of  Maryland's  successful  policy  in 
advocating  National  Sovereignty  over  the  West- 
ern Lands  "),  the  ceding  of  lands  to  the  National 
Government,  the  handling  of  the  Indian  problem 
— Washington's  influence  and  knowledge  were  of 
paramount  usefulness.  Take  these  instances  of 
his  prescience  as  yet  unmentioned :  he  suggested, 
in  connection  with  the  Potomac  improvement,  the 
policy  of  exploration  and  national  surveys  which 
our  government  has  steadily  adhered  to  since  that 
day;  *  the  Lewis  and  Clark  expedition  was  a  re- 
sult of  this  policy  advocated  first  by  Washington. 
Again,  note  Washington's  singularly  wise  opinion 
on  the  separation  of  Kentucky  from  Virginia. 
Writing  to  Jefferson  in  1785,  he  affirms  that  the 
general  opinion  in  his  part  of  Virginia  is  unfavor- 
able to  the  separation.  "  I  have  uniformly  given 
it  as  mine,"  he  wrote,  "  to  meet  them  upon  their 
own  ground,  draw  the  best  line  and  make  the  best 

*  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  IX,  80. 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

terms  we  can,  and  part  good  friends."  *  There 
could  be  no  more  marvelous  instance  of  a  states- 
man's clear  reading  of  a  people's  future  than  this ; 
and  Washington,  with  a  trifle  less  modesty  than 
usually  envelopes  his  correspondence,  added,  in 
his  letter  to  Jefferson,  that  in  all  probability  addi- 
tional information  as  to  Kentucky's  designs  will 
be  forthcoming  at  the  next  session  of  the  Virginia 
Legislature,  but  ''if  you  should  not  receive  it 
through  a  better  channel,  I  will  have  the  honor  to 
inform  you."  Washington  here  stands  as  the 
champion  of  an  independent  Kentucky.  And, 
again,  it  is  to  the  point  to  notice  Washington's 
far-seeing  view  of  the  progress  and  enterprise  of 
the  West  in  relation  to  commerce ;  who  before  him 
ever  had  the  temerity  to  suggest  (ante,  p.  102) 
that  ships  would  descend  the  Ohio  River  and  sail 
for  foreign  ports?  And  yet  the  prophecy  was 
speedily  realized  in  less  than  a  generation,  for 
brigs  were  then  taking  out  papers  at  Marietta, 
Ohio,  and  elsewhere  and  going  overseas  to  Euro- 
pean ports.f 

If,  as  Professor  McMaster  has  said,  "  George 
Washington  is  an  unknown  man,"  it  is  because  we 
know  the  heroic  figure  and  have  forgotten  the 
sane,  busy,  clear-headed  man  portrayed  in  this 

*  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  IX,  134.  Washington  was 
never  in  favor  of  the  "grasping"  attitude  of  certain  Virginians. 
Cf.  Id.,  IX,  33- 

t  Thompson  Mason  Harris,  Journal  of  a  Tour,  140. 

196 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

diary.  Washington,  in  the  abstract,  as  taking 
command  of  the  Continental  Army  under  the 
Cambridge  Elm,  is  an  unknown  man ;  not  so  the 
Washington  viewing  his  white  oak  land  on  the 
upper  Potomac,  or  fighting  an  honest  land  claim 
in  the  courts,  or  sleeping  a  night  in  his  military 
cloak  amid  the  Great  Glades  of  the  Youghiogheny. 
*'It  does  not  detract  from  Washington's  true 
greatness,"  wrote  Professor  Adams,  "for  the 
world  to  know  this  material  side  of  his  character. 
On  the  contrary,  it  only  exalts  that  heroic  spirit 
which,  in  disaster,  never  faltered,  and  which,  in 
success,  would  have  no  reward.  To  be  sure,  it 
brings  Washington  nearer  the  level  of  humanity 
to  know  that  he  was  endowed  with  the  passions 
common  to  men,  and  that  he  was  as  diligent  in 
business  as  he  was  fervent  in  his  devotion  to  coun- 
try. It  may  seem  less  ideal  to  view  Washington 
as  a  man  rather  than  as  a  hero  or  statesman,  but 
it  is  the  duty  of  history  to  deal  with  great  men  as 
they  actually  are.  Man  lives  for  himself,  as  well 
as  in  and  for  the  State,  and  the  distinction  of  indi- 
vidual from  patriotic  motives  is  one  of  the  neces- 
sary tasks  of  historical  investigation."  In  pass- 
ing it  should  be  noted  that  in  all  his  endeavors  to 
"  open  the  door  to  the  West "  Washington  was 
ever  subject  to  the  accusation  of  self-interest;  he 
virtually  acknowledges  in  a  letter  to  Jefiferson  that 
he  is  looked  upon  as  a  prejudiced  prophet  when  he 

197 


WASHINGTON  AND  THE 

affirmed  that  he  (Washington)  was  glad  to  know- 
that  Jefferson  coincided  with  him  in  the  impor- 
tance of  the  intercommunication  scheme  although 
he  had  no  property  in  the  West.  So  far  as  self- 
interest  goes  Washington  was  insistent  for  Poto- 
mac improvement,  whereas  the  vast  bulk  of  his 
Western  property  lay  on  the  lower  fifty  miles  of 
the  Great  Kanawha  River;  had  he  been  influ- 
enced by  personal  motives  only  he  would  have 
given  his  whole  attention  to  the  James  River  im- 
provement and  not  the  Potomac;  it  would  have 
meant  far  more  to  him  financially.  And  when 
both  (Potomac  and  James)  companies  were  es- 
tablished, the  State  of  Virginia  subscribed  to  fifty 
shares  in  both  and  voted  them  to  George  Wash- 
ington in  token  of  public  esteem  for  services  ren- 
dered ;  yet  Washington  refused  the  gift  until  he 
found  a  method  of  acceptance  that  left  him  not 
one  penny  the  richer  for  it. 

But  return  to  the  proposition  made  by  Profes- 
sor Adams,  that  it  not  only  does  not  lessen  our 
esteem  of  Washington  to  know  the  details  of  his 
business  enterprises,  but  indeed  increases  it.  I 
submit  that  it  has  been  because  of  the  lack  of 
knowledge  of  Washington's  private  ambitions  and 
interests  that  Professor  McMaster  can  say  that 
the  General  and  President  are  known  to  us,  but 
"George  Washington  is  an  unknown  man." 
What  is  needed  to  keep  the  personality  of  that 

198 


AWAKENING  OF  THE  WEST 

truly  great  man  distinct  and  vivid  is  a  properly 
adjusted  estimate  of  the  "  material "  as  well  as  the 
"heroic"  elements  of  his  character;  in  no  case  is 
there  more  urgent  need  of  a  "  distinction  of  indi- 
vidual from  patriotic  motives  "  than  in  that  of 
Washington ;  else  we  shall  keep  the  "  General " 
and  "  President "  and  lose  this  man  most  perfectly 
represented  in  the  diary  of  1784  and  its  affiliated 
correspondence — the  greatest  man  in  America 
had  there  been  no  Revolutionary  War. 


199 


INDEX 


INDEX 


A  Bartlett,  John  Russell,  quoted, 
163 

Adams,  Henry,  quoted,  164,  166  Bath,    Va.,    Washington   at,    28; 

Adams,  Herbert  B.,  quoted,  3,  Washington  meets  Rumsey  at, 

14,  22,  23,  194,  197,  198  32-3;    Washington's    lots    and 

Adams,  John,  quoted,  170  houses    at,    32-5;    mentioned, 

Addison,  Judge   Alexander,    159  119,   125-31 

Albany,  N.  Y.,  Washington  de-  Beason  Town,  56,  59;  see 

scribes  water  route  from  De-  Uniontown 

troit  to,  96  Berkeley,  Bishop,  quoted,  16 
Alexandria,      Va.,      Washington  Berkeley  County,  Va.,  Washing- 
describes  water  routes  to,  92;  ton's  land  in,  11 

mentioned,     17,    93,    94,     113,  Berkeley  Springs;  see  Bath 

117,  121,   183  Big  Bent   (Ohio  River),  Wash- 

Alleghany  Mountains,  the  old  ington's  land  opposite,  12 

"  doors  "  of,  17  Biggart,  Thomas,  squatter  on 

Allen,    James    Lane,    The    Blue  Washington's  land,  50,  55,  152 

Grass    Region    of    Kentucky,  Bloomington,  Md.,  mentioned, 

quoted    on    difficulties    of    im-  169 

migration,   17  Blue  Grass  Region  of  Ken- 

Archy's  Spring,  Washington  at,  tucky;  see  Allen 

172  Blue  Licks,  battle  of,  mentioned, 

"  Arnold  Place,"  mentioned,  169  133 

Ashby,  Capt.  John,  entertains  "  Bohemia  Manor,"  Rumsey's 

Washington,  84,  85,  174  birthplace,  125 

Ashby's  Bent,  Va.,  Washington's  Boonesborough,  Ky.,  mentioned, 

land  in,  11  123 

Augusta  Springs,  mentioned,  31,  Boone's  road,  route  of,  123 

34  Botetourt  C.  H.,  mentioned,  123 

B  Boyd's  Tavern,  mentioned,  123 
Braddock,  General,  mentioned, 

Backbone  Mountain,  Washing-  106,  112,  133,  135 

ton  crosses,  169,  173  Braddock's  Grave,  mentioned, 

Back  Creek,  Washington  at,  32,  138,  140,  159,  160 

119,  125  Briery   Mountain,   Washington 

Balmain,  Rev.  Mr.,  describes  his  on,  68;  mentioned,  72,  120,  169 

western  route  to  Washington,  Briscoe,  Dr.,  Ohio  lands  of,  62, 

34  161 

"Barrens"   of  Kentucky,  the  Brock's  Gap,  Washington  at, 

formation  of  the,  115  84,  174 

203 


INDEX 


Brooks,  William,  Washington 
purchased  Great  Meadows  of, 

137  .     , 

Brown,  William,  cited,  134 

Browning,  Stephen,  farm  of,  169 

Brownsville,  Pa.,  starting-point 
of  Catfish  Path,  123;  see  Red 
Stone  Old  Fort 

Bruce,  Col.,  Washington  inter- 
views, 35,  36,  124;  promises  to 
survey  upper  Potomac,  124, 
156 

Bruce,  Henry,  farm  of,  173 

Bryan's  Tavern,  Washington  at, 
81 

"  Bucksbones,"  patent  for, 
quoted,  17 

Buffalo,  routes  of  the,  67,  73 ; 
see  McCullough's  Path 

Bullitt,  Thomas,  promoter  of  the 
Mississippi  Company,  10,  153 

Bullskin  Creek,  Va.,  Washing- 
ton's land  on,  11 

Bullstown,  W.  Va.,  mentioned, 
62,  91,  124,  162;  see  Little 
Kanawha-Monongahela  por- 
tage 

Burning  Spring,  W.  Va.,  Wash- 
ington's land  at,  12 

Bushnell,  inventor,  aided  by 
Washington,  123,  129 

Butler,  Richard,  mentioned,  141 

Butler,  Col.  William,  visits 
Washington,  46,   143 

Butterfield,  C.  W.,  The  Wash- 
ington-Crawford Letters,  cited, 
23,  109,  136,  144,  147,  154.  157. 
168 


Cacapehen  Creek,  Washington 
mentions,  87 

Cacapehen  Mountains,  Washing- 
ton mentions,  81 

Canals :  Chesapeake  and  Ohio, 
Washington  father  of,  14; 
earliest  planned  American 
(Union),  178;  Erie,  Washing- 
ton   first    predicts    success    of 


route  of,   17,  178;  mentioned. 

Cannon,  Col.  John,  entertains 
Washington,  49 ;  accompanies 
Washington  to  Miller's  Creek 
lands,  55 ;  agrees  to  assist 
Washington  in  proving  title, 
56;  laid  out  Cannonsburg,  Pa., 

151,  155 

Cannonsburg,  Pa.,  151 ;  see 
Cannon 

Carlisle,  Pa.,  home  of  Lawyer 
Smith,  156,  157 

Carpenter's  Creek,  Washington 
mentions,  76 

Cassons,  Col. ;  see  Cannon 

"  Castle  Hill,"  on  McCullough's 
Path,  169 

Castleman's  Ferry,  Washington 
crosses,  108,  114 

Catfish  Path,  mentioned,  117, 
123 

Centenary  of  Louisville,  The; 
see  Durrett 

Charlestown,  W.  Va.,  Charles 
Washington's  country  seat 
near,  108;  Washington  at,  114 

Chartier's  Creek,  Washington's 
lands  on,  48-9,  150 

Chase,  Samuel,  mentioned,   170 

Chastellux,  Chevalier  de,  Wash- 
ington writes,  7,  8,  13 

Chattin's  Run,  Va.,  Washing- 
ton's land  on,  11 

Cheat  Mountain,  Washington 
on,  167 

Chippewas,  141 

Chissel's  Mine,  Washington 
mentions,  32 

Clark,  George  Rogers,  men- 
tioned, 141,  195 

Clarke's  Town;  see  Clarksburg 

Clarksburg,  W.  Va.,  63,  64,  161, 
162 

Coastwise  trade,  the  main  de- 
pendence of  the  Colonies,  18 

Colchester,  Va.,  Washington  at, 

85,  174 
Cook,  Col.  Edward,  Washing- 
ton refers  to,  49,  151 


204 


INDEX 


Cookstown,  Pa.,  151 

Craik,  Dr.  James,  invited  by 
Washington  to  make  western 
tour,  21  ;  mentioned,  27,  28,  31, 
27,  39,  48,  58,  79-  104.  107.  108, 
no,  113,  114,  131,  150,  156,  174 

Craik,  William,  joins  Washing- 
ton's party,  2>7,  125,   131 

Crainsville,   Md.,   Washington 
passes  near,  169 

Crawford,  Col.  William,  Wash- 
ington's land  agent,  10 ;  Wash- 
ington searches  for  records  of, 
49 ;  cabin  on  Washington's 
land  built  by,  28-9,  52-3 ;  de- 
feat of,  133 ;  mentioned,  61, 
140,  142,  144-9,  150,  157,  158 

"  Crazy  Rumsey  "  ;  see  Rumsey 

Creigh,  Alfred,  LL.D.,  History 
of  Washington   County,  cited, 

153 

Cresap,  Col.  Thomas,  entertains 
Washington,  38,  132;  names 
Skipton,  132 

Croghan,  George,  land  claims  of, 
mentioned,   146,  147,   149 

Crumrine,  Hon.  Boyd,  author 
acknowledges  debt  to,  23 ; 
copies  of  Washington-Smith 
Correspondence  loaned  to  au- 
thor by,  148 

Culpeper  Court  House,  Wash- 
ington at,  84,  174 

Cumberland,  Md.,  Washington 
passes  through,  39,  127 ;  men- 
tioned,  131,   133,   135;   159 

Custis,  John  Parke,  witnesses 
Posey  bond,  145 

Custis,  Martha  Parke,  witnesses 
Posey  bond,  145 


D 


Daugherty's  Tavern,  Washing- 
ton at,  41,  128,  134 

Deboir's  Ferry ;  see  Devore's 

Deer  Park,  Md.,  glades  near,  120 

Delawares,  141 

Detroit,  cattle-drivers  murdered 
en  route  to,  44;   Washington 


describes  water  route  from  Al- 
exandria to,  92-4 ;  Richmond 
to,  94;  Philadelphia  to,  95-6; 
Albany  to,  96 ;  taken  by  Wash- 
ington as  commercial  centre 
of  the  new  West,  177 

Devore's   Ferry,   Washington 
crosses,  49,  55,  150 

"  The  Diadem,"  patent  for, 
quoted,  171 

Difficult  Run,  Washington's 
land  on,  12,  107,  113 

Difficulty  Bridge,  Va.,  Wash- 
ington at,  28 

Dinwiddie,  Governor,  offers 
bounty  lands,  10;  mentioned, 
146 

Duane,  James,  plan  of  future 
States  described  by  Washing- 
ton to,  14;  Adams  on,  14-15 

Dunbar's  Camp,  mentioned,  138, 
140,  160 

Dunbar's  Spring,  133 

Dunkards  Bottom,  mentioned, 
58,  63,  64,  65,  66,  68,  71,  91, 
93,  94,  124,  156,  162,  167-9; 
see  Portages :  Cheat-Potomac 

Dunkers  Bottom;  see  Dun- 
kard's  Bottom 

Dunlap's  Creek,  82 

Dunmore,  Lord,  signs  Washing- 
ton's patents,  11 

Durrett,  R.  T.,  on  prairie  for- 
mation, 121 ;  The  Centenary 
of  Louisville,  cited,  quoted, 
121 


Elk  Run  Church,  Va.,  men- 
tioned,   174 

Erie,  Pa.,  178 

Erie  Canal  (see  Canal)  and 
New  York  Central  Ry.,  Wash- 
ington prophesies  importance 
of  route  of,  17 

Erving's  Grant,  Mass.,  Everett 
mentions,  112 

Evan's,  Lewis,  Map,  cited,  96, 
117,  123,  176 

Everett,   Edward,   Orations  and 


205 


INDEX 


speeches,     quoted     on     inter- 
course between  East  and  West, 
6;  on  inter-State  rivalries,  112- 
13,  118 
Expansionist,  Washington  our 
first,  4 


Fairfax,  Lord  Chas.,  Washing- 
ton agent  for,  115 
Falls  Church,  Va.,  28,  113 


Frederick  County,  Va.,  Wash- 
ington's land  in,  12 

Freeman,  Maj.  Thomas,  selected 
as  Washington's  western 
agent,  48;  receives  instruc- 
tions, 56;  mentioned,  150,  154, 
164 

French  Creek,  navigation  of,  87, 
88,  95 

Friend,  Charles,  mentioned,  69, 
70,  71,  72,  72,,  74,  169,  171,  172, 
173 


Fancy  grass,   Washington  men-    Friend,  George  B.  McClellan, 


tions,  70 

Farmington,  Pa.,  Great  Mea- 
dows near,  134,  137 

Farquier  County,  Va.,  Wash- 
ington's land  in,  11 

Fayette  City,  Pa.,  151 

Ferries,  Washington  mentions, 
49,  55,  108,  114,  150,  155 

Fifteen  Mile  Creek,  Va.,  Wash- 
ington on,  2)7 ;  mentioned,  38, 
125,  131 

Filson,  John,  route  from  Vir- 
ginia to  Kentucky,  123 

Fitch,  John,  and  James  Rum- 
sey  compared,  128 

Fitzgerald,  John,  director  of  Po- 
tomac Company,   187 

Forbes,  General  John,  Washing- 


172 


Gallatin,  Albert,  sketch  of  life  of, 
162 ;  purchases  western  land, 
163 ;  meeting  with  Washing- 
ton, Bartlett's  version,  163-4; 
Adams  version,  164-6;  origi- 
nal of  internal  improvement 
ideas,  166;  The  Life  of,  cited, 
166 
George's  Creek,  mentioned,  40, 
60,  163 ;  Gallatin  bought  land 
on,  166 
Gilbert's  Tavern,  Washington  at, 

81 
Gilpin,   George,   director  of  Po- 
tomac Company,  187 
ton  with,  9;  mentioned,  106        Ginger  Hill,  Pa.,  150 
Forts :  Augusta,  95  ;  Chisel,  123 ;    Ginseng  traders  met  by  Wash- 
Cumberland,  30,  39,  40,  42,  71,        ington,  42 
93,    94,    133,    159;    Duquesne,    Gist,   Christopher,  mentioned, 
Forbes    captures.    9,    112:    see        129,   135,   140 
Pitt ;      Erie,     96 ;      Mcintosh,    Gist,  Thomas,  entertains  Wash- 
Treaty  of,  141,  189;  Necessity,        ington,  42 

Washington  capitulates,  9,  112,    Gist  homestead,  133;  see  "Mount 
145.  159;  Niagara,  97;  Pendle-        Braddock" 


ton,  116,  130,  161,  162,  169,  173; 
Pitt,  46,  66,  92,  93,  96,  143,  178, 
183,  189;  Pleasant,  78,  79; 
Stanwix,  182;  Wayne,  188 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  warns 
American  promoters  against 
river     canalization,      19;      re- 


Glades,  Capt.  Stroad  on,  30; 
Washington  describes,  69-70, 
1 14-16;  Great,  of  Youghio- 
gheny,  63,  68,  120-22,  130, 
168-9,  197;  Ryan's,  72-3,  173; 
of  Sandy  Creek,  30,  63-5,  67-8, 
120,  161-2,  167;  Murley's,  170 


fused   to   help    Fitch,    19,    128,    Glen,  John,   squatter  on   Wash- 
129.    Life  of;  see  Parton  ington's  land,  52,  55,  152 

Frederick,  Md.,  126  Glenwood,  Pa.,  143 

206 


INDEX 

Great  Crossings,  Pa.,  Washing-  Hillas ;  see  Hillast 

ton  at,  41,  159  Hillast,     Matthew,    squatter    on 

Great  Falls,  187  Washington's  land,  51,  55,  152 

Great     Meadows,     Washington's  Hillast,  William,  squatter  on 

land   in,   12,    130;   Washington  Washington's  land,  52,  55,  152 

at,   41-2 ;   historic  associations  "  Hinches  Discovery,"  patent  of, 

of,    129-31;    fertility    of,    130;  quoted,   171 

plat  of  Washington's  land  in,  Historic  Highways  of  America; 

137;     mentioned,     134-6,     138,  see  Hulbert 

140,  158-9  History  of  Washington  County, 

Green  Spring  (B.  &  O.  Ry.  Pa.;  see  Creigh 

station),  132  History  of  West  Virginia;  see 

Gwins,  Mr.,  Washington  at,  39,  Lewis 

49.   '^32)  History  of  the   Western  Canals 

Gwins  Tavern,  127  in  the  State  of  New  York;  see 

Watson 

H  Hites,  Col.  Abraham,  entertains 
Washington,  78,  79,  80,  81,  173 

Hadden,  James,  mentioned,  23  Horse  Shoe  Bottom,  W.  Va.,  64, 

Hamilton's,   David,   Tavern,  162 

Washington  at,  49,  150  Howard's  Creek,  y6 

Hampshire  County,  Va.,  Wash-  Hulbert,   A.   B.,   Historic  High- 

ington's  land  in,  12  ways    of    America,    cited,    19, 

Hanaway,  Capt.,  Washington  at  115,   121,  127-8,  133,  167,  178 

surveying  office  of,  60,  62,  74,  Humphreys,  David,  Washington 

161  to,  190 

"  Happy    Retreat,"    Washington  Humrich,     C.     B.,    collector    of 

at  Charles  Washington's  coun-  Washington-Smith  Correspon- 

try   seat,   28;    mentioned,    108,  dence,  157 

1 14-15,  156  Hutchins,  Thomas,   Topographi- 

Hardin,  Capt.  Benjamin,  advises  cal   Description,   91,    176,    178, 

Washington     as     to     western  188  . 

communications,      57 ;       men- 
tioned, 156  I 
Harmar,   Gen.,  mentioned,   191  t        a    j          tir    1  •     i.         1. 
Harper's  Ferr^,  mentioned,  187  ^'f'  1"1T^^'/8^^"^*°"  ^* 

Harris,  Thompson  Mason,  /o!<r-  T  !f-^       aaV'^'u-.         a.        a 

..^1     t      T           V  J     ^i  Indians,     Washmgton     deterred 

nal  of  a  1  our,  cited,  196  r              ■       ^     n      ^  v          u 

Harrison,  Gov.  Benjamin^  Wash-  ^''°'"  ^oing  to  Great  Kanawha 

ington  writes,  4,  175,  186  ^^-JhT'.?^    "'"'^'''    '°"" 

Harrisonburg,  Va.,  174  ""'"^^  ^^'  44 

Hayward,   George   Robins,   171 

Hayward,  Thomas,  171  j 

Headrick's  Tavern,  37 

Henderson,  Richard,  land  claim  Jefferson,   Thomas,  not  the  au- 

of,  mentioned,   13  thor    of    our    public    domain 

Henning,  Statutes  at  Large,  idea,  14 ;  mentioned,  170,  196-8 

cited,   186  Jockey  Hollow,  mentioned,  161 

Henry,  Patrick,  buys  western  Johns  Hopkins  University  Stud- 
lands,  170  ics,  cited,  15,  123 

207 


INDEX 

Johnson,  Dr.  Ezekiel,  Washing-  Lee,  Arthur,  at  Treaty  of  Fort 

ton  visits,  49,  151  Mcintosh,   141 

Johnson,  J.  Stoddard,  First  Ex-  Lee,  Francis  L.,  member  of 

ploration    of   Kentucky,   cited,  Mississippi  Company,  10 

152  Lee,  Richard  H.,  member  of 
Johnson,  John,  159  Mississippi  Company,  10;  men- 
Johnson.    Matthew,    squatter    on  tioned,  170,  187,  190 

Washington's  land,  53,  55,  152  Lee,  Thomas  Sim,  director  of 

Johnson,     Gov.     Thomas,     aids  Potomac  Company,   187 

Washington  in  Potomac  River  Leesburg,  Washington  at,  28, 

improvement     campaign,      20;  113 

owns  land  in  West,  69 ;  men-  Lemon,  Washington's  guide,  67, 

tioned,  169,  170,  187  68,  169 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  men-  Lewis,    Thomas,    surveyor,    59; 

tioned,  146  mentioned,  79,   80,  81,  82,  83, 

Johnson  Brothers.  Rumsey's  84,  86,  145,  159,  174 

steamboat-engine  built  by,  126  Lewis,  V.  A..  History  of  West 

Jones's,  Gabriel,  Washington  Virginia,  cited,  113,  119 

at,  81  Lexington,  Ky.,  route  from 

Journal  of  a  Tour;  see  Harris  Virginia  to,  123 

Journal  of  1770;  see  Washington  Life  of  Benjamin  Franklin;  see 

Journals  of  Congress,  cited,  15  Parton 

Jumonville's  Grave,  mentioned,  Little  Crossings,  Pa.,  Washing- 

106,  112,  130,  136,  140  ton  at,  40;  mentioned,  134.159 

Little  Meadows,  Washington  at, 

K  40,  133 

Little  Orchard,  Md.,  131 

Kentucky;  see  Shaler  Logston,  Joseph,  63,  65,  72,  73, 

Keys  Ferry,  Washington  at,  28,  75,  76,  77,  78.  173 

82,  86  Logston,  Thomas,  72,  173 

Kingwood,  W.  Va.,  mentioned,  Loudoun  County,  Va.,  Wash- 

116  ington's  land  in,  11 

Knox,  Major-General,  men-  Louis  XIV,  quoted,  139 

tioned,   189,    191  Lower,  William,  farm  of,  173 

Lucket,    Captain,   commander  at 
L  Fort   Pitt,   visits   Washington, 
46,  143 
Lafayette,  Marquis,  visits  Luzurene,  Chevalier  de  la,  Wash- 
Washington,   105,  III  ington  to,  103;  invites  Wash- 
Land,  trees  indicate  quality  of,  ington  to  visit  France,  109 

37,  125 
Lapsley,    Thomas,    squatter    on 

Washington's  land,  28,  30,  52,  j^ 

54 

Laurel   Hill,    mentioned,   43.   47,  Mackees  Creek,  Washington 

63,  64,  65,  67,  71,  73,  90,  104,  mentions,  95 

112,   138,   185  Main  Creek,  Washington 

Lawrence,  Hon.  William  Beach,  mentions,  78 

mentioned.    163  Main  Mountain,  Washington 

Lebeauf  (Watertown,  Pa.),  95  mentions,  78 

208 


INDEX 


Martinsburg.    Va.,   Washington     Mississippi   Company,  Washing- 
mentions,  30,  119  ton  organizes,  9 
Mason,  Alexander  C,  mentioned,    Misspelling    of    names,    reasons 


23 

Mason  and  Dixon's  Line,  men- 
tioned, III,  117,  133,  140 

Massachusett's  early  commercial 
rivalry  with  New  York,  Ever- 
ett, on,  118 

McBride,     James,     squatter     on 


for,  in  pioneer  times,  127 ;  in- 
stances of,  127-8,  133-4 

Monongahela  Court  House ;  see 
Morgantown 

Montreal,  Washington  describes 
water  route  Detroit  to,  89,  91, 
96,  97, 


Washington's  land,  26,  50, 54-5)    Moore,  Charles,  The  Northwest 

under  Three  Flags,  cited,  178 

Morgan,  General  Daniel,  advises 
Washington  as  to  western 
communications,  28,  29,  109, 
115-16,   155,   161 

Morgan,  Col.  Zach.,  Washing- 
ton interviews,  62,  74 

Morgantown,  W.  Va.,  58,  62,  66, 
67,  74,  161-2 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  conceives 
the  Erie  Canal  project,  21 


152 
McBride,  Samuel,  squatter  on 

Washington's  land,  50,  152 
McCraker,    Mr.,    authorized    to 
offer    Washington's    land    for 
sale,  27 
McCulloch ;   see  McCullough 
McCullough's  Crossing,  men- 
tioned, 72,  75 
McCullough's   Landing,   168 
McCullough's    Path,    mentioned. 


35,  63,  67,  68,  72,  74,  124,  130,    "  Mount  Braddock,"  140,  160 


161,  168-9,  171,  ^7i 
McGeechen,  Brice,  squatter  on 
Washington's  land,  51,  55,  152 


Mount  Chateau,   162 
Mount  Vernon,  mentioned,  4,  9, 
II,  21,  108,  III,  174-5,  193 


McGeechen,  Duncan,  squatter  on    "Mount  Washington,"  Pa.,  137; 
Washington's     land,     51,     55,        see  Great  Meadows 
152  Mountaineers  delighted  at  hear- 

ing Washington's   Diary  read, 
24 


McGibbon,  W.  H.,  mentioned, 

■22 
McKean,  Judge  Thomas,  Wash-    Mountain  Lake  park,  glades 

ington's    ejectment    suit    tried       near,  116,  120,  122,  171 

before,  157  "    '  '      ~ 

McMaster,  Professor  J.  B., 

quoted,   196,   198 
Mercer,  Washington's  land  pur 

chased  from  Col.,  12 
Miami  Village,  Washington 

mentions,  188,  189,  191 
"  Milk  and  Honey  "  patent  for, 

quoted,   171 


"Mountain   Tavern"    (Mounts), 

Washington  at,  41,  134 
Muddy  Creek,  mentioned,  171 
Murley's  Glade,  170 


N 


National  Intelligencer,  cited,  176 

Mill,  Washington  visits  his,  45 ;  Neville,  Col.  Jos.,  accompanies 
no  bid  for,  46;  illustration  of,       Washington,  55,  79,  81,  155 

frontispiece  New  American   Cyclopedia, 
Miller's  Run,  squatters  on  Wash-       cited,   128 

ington's    land   on,   46;    Wash-  New  Bruceton,  W.  Va.,  men- 
ington  visits  lands  and  tenants       tioned,  167,  168,  169 

on,    48-55 ;    how    Washington  Newburg,  N.  Y.,  Washington  at, 
obtained,  143-9,  iSi-4  7,  21 


U 


^i 


209 


INDEX 


New  Chapter  in  the  Early  Life 
of  Washington,  A;  see  Pickell 
New  Creek,  mentioned,  78 
New  Haven,  Pa.,  Col.  Wm. 

Crawford's  plantation  at,  142 
New  Town,  mentioned,  23 
New  York,  Washington  prophe- 
sies commercial  awakening  of, 
178 
Niagara,   Washington   mentions, 

lOI 

Norman's  Ford,  Washington 

at,  84 
Northwest  under  Three  Flags, 

The;  see  Moore 


O 


Oakland,  glades  near,  120;  men- 
tioned, 169,  171,  172 

Old  Town,  Md.,  Washington  at, 
38-40,  126,  131-2 

Opecken  Creek,  30,  87,  1 13,  119 

Oswegatche,  98 

Oswego,  N.  Y.,  97,  loi 

Ottawas,   141 


Palatines,  imported  by  Gov. 

Johnson,   69 
Parkersburg,  W.  Va.,  mentioned, 

122,  i6r 

Parkinson's  Ferry,  150;  see 

Devore's 
Parton,     James,     on     Franklin's 

treatment  of  Fitch,   128;  Life 

of  Benjamin  Franklin,  quoted, 

128,  134 
Patterson's   Creek,  Va.,  36,  78, 

123,  173 

Pennsylvania,  Washington  on 
early  lethargy  of,  in  opening 
western  navigation,  103-5 ;  le- 
gislates against  B.  &  O.  Ry., 
119;  how  Washington  secured 
his  lands  in,  144-59 

Perryopolis,  Pa.,  Washington's 
land  near,  103,  109,  133,  140, 
142 


Phillips,  Col.  Theophilus,  enter- 
tains Washington,  58,  59,  60, 
.156,  159 

Pickell,  John,  A  New  Chapter  in 
the  Early  Life  of  Washington, 
cited,  187 

Pierpoint,  Francis  H.,  mentioned, 
161 

Pierpoint's,  John,  Washington 
at,  61 ;  Washington  meets  Gen. 
Morgan  at,  62,  161-2;  accounts 
of  Washington's  meeting  Gal- 
latin at,   162-7 

"Pitt   Country,"   119 

Point  Marion,  Pa.,  Washington 
at,  141,  156,  160 

Point  Pleasant,  W.  Va.,  123 

Port  Pleasant,  W.  Va.,  173 

Portages :  Beaver-Cuyahoga :  see 
Cuyahoga ;  Cuyahoga-Beaver, 
92,  191 ;  Cuyahoga-Muskin- 
gum, 93  ;■  Cheat-Potomac,  71, 
73<  93>  94 '•  see  Monongahela; 
Great  Kanawha,  around  falls, 
94 :  see  James ;  James-Great 
Kanawha,  76-7,  82-3,  94,  95; 
Lake  Erie-French  Creek,  95 ; 
Little  Kanawha-Ten  Mile 
Creek,  43 ;  Little  Kanawha- 
Monongahela,  11,  57,  62,  91, 
116,  126:  see  Monongahela; 
Mohawk- Wood  Creek,  97 ; 
around  Little  Falls,  97 ;  to 
Hudson,  97 ;  to  Lake  Oneida, 
193 ;  Monongahela-Little  Kan- 
awha, 93 ;  Monongaliela-Poto- 
mac,  175 ;  Muskingum-Cuya- 
hoga :  see  Cuyahoga ;  Niagara 
Falls  (around),  97;  Potomac- 
Cheat,  no;  Potomac-Little 
Youghiogheny,  92-3 ;  Schuyl- 
kill-Susquehanna, 95 ;  Sus- 
quehanna-Toby's  Creek,  95-6; 
Youghiogheny-Potomac,  70-5 ; 
Youghiogheny,  around  Falls 
of,  92 

Posey,  Amelia,  witnesses  Posey 
bond,  145 

Posey,  Capt.  John,  Washington 
purchased  land  of,  59,  145,  147 


210 


INDEX 


Potomac  Company,  formation 
of,  192;  influence  of,  192-3 

Pownall,  Thomas,  Topographi- 
cal JDcscription  of  North 
America,  cited  178 

Prairies,  formation  of,  120-2 

Pres'que  Isle,  mentioned,  88,  95 

Princeton,  N.  J.,  Washington 
at,  7 

"  Promised  Land,"  patent  for, 
quoted,  170 

Public  Lands,  Washington  the 
father  of  our,  15 

Q 

Quebec,  Washington  describes 
water  route  from  Detroit  to, 
98 

R 

Railways :  Baltimore  and  Ohio, 
Washington  the  father  of,  14; 
aborigines  found  route  of, 
18;  rivals  Pennsylvania  Rail- 
way in  Pennsylvania,  113; 
mentioned,  119,  132,  171;  Bos- 
ton and  Albany,  Everett's  ad- 
dress on,  112;  Chesapeake  and 
Ohio,  aborigines  found  route 
of,  18;  Pennsylvania,  aborigi- 
nes found  route  of,  18;  men- 
tioned, 119 

Reading,  Pa.,  mentioned,  178 

Red  Stone  Old  Fort,  31 ;  see 
Brownsville,  Pa. 

Reed,  David,  squatter  on  Wash- 
ington's land,  51,  52,  55,  153 

Reed.  John,  squatter  on  Wash- 
ington's land.  52,  53,  55,  152 

Reminiscence,  Washington  never 
indulges  in,   135 

Revolution,  last  phases  of,  in  the 
West,  139 

Richie,  Capt.  Craig,  accompanies 
Washington,  55 ;  agrees  to  as- 
sist Washington  prove  title  to 
Pennsylvania  land,  56;  men- 
tioned, 155 

Richmond,  Va.,  Washingrton  de- 


scribes water  route  from  De- 
troit to,  94 ;  mentioned,  95,  166 

Rivalry,  inter-colonial  and  inter- 
State,  1 10-13 

Rivers  :  Alleghany,  166,  178,  193  ; 
Beaver,  88,  92,  182,  189;  Ca- 
tawba, 123;  Cheat,  24,  30,  35, 
43.  47.  57,  58,  59.  60,  61,  63,  64, 
65,  82,  90,  91,  93,  94,  104,  116, 
117,  119,  122,  124,  130,  131,  140, 
141,  156,  160,  161,  162,  167, 
183;  Cole,  12;  Conemaugh,  18; 
Cuyahoga,  88,  92,  93,  182,  189, 
193 ;  Greenbriar,  90,  94,  123 ; 
Hockhocking,  88 ;  Holstein,  31, 
123 ;  Jackson,  80,  123 ;  James, 
18,  76,  82,  94,  95,  123,  124,  166, 

173,  i8r,  182,  184,  188,  198; 
Juniata,   18;   Kanawha,  Great, 

11,  12,  18,  46,  76,  77,  82,  85,  90, 
91,  94,  109,  123,  141,  164,  184, 
189,  198;  Kanawha,  Little,  12, 
31,  61,  62,  90,  91,  93,  94,  122, 
124,  130,  131,  133,  140,  156, 
161,  162,  166;  Kentucky,  153; 
Maumee,  88,  188;  Miami, 
Great,  88,  188;  Miami,  Little, 
12;  Mohawk,  Washington  ex- 
plores, 7;  mentioned,  12,  21, 
97;  Monongahela,  30,  31,  35, 
36,  38,  39.  47.  49,  55,  60,  63,  64, 
90,  91,  94,  104,  116,  122,  124, 
130,  141,  143,  150,  156,  160,  166, 

174,  183 ;  Muskingum,  88,  93, 
124;  New,  31,  22,  76,  82-3,  123, 
173;  Ohio,  12,  20,  21,  31,  77, 
85,  87,  88,  90,  91,  92,  95,  96,  98, 
102,  109,  112,  116,  117,  119, 
120,  122,  123,  124,  127,  132, 
133,  141,  166,  170,  181,  183, 
184,  187,  188,  190,  196;  Onon- 
daga, 97;  Outawais:  see  Ot- 
tawa ;  Ottawa,  98 ;  Potomac,  8, 

12,  18,  19,  20,  21,  22,  29,  30,36, 
41,  47,  63-4,  70-1,  91,  93,  94. 
104,  III,  112,  115,  116,  117,  119, 
120,  122,  124,  125,  126,  127,  128, 
130,  132,  133,  141,  156,  161,  162, 
166,  169,  173,  174,  181,  182, 
184,   187-8,   193,  197-8;   Read- 


211 


INDEX 

ing,  95  ;  Roanoke,  82,  83,  123  ;  Rumsey,  James,  entertains  Wash- 

Sandusky,  88 ;  Savage,  40,  75-6 ;  ington    at    Bath,    8;    exhibits 

Schenectady,  97;  Schuylkill,  95,  model  boat,  32-3;   engages  to 

178,     183;     Scioto,     88,     182;  build    houses,    119-20;    sketch 

Shenandoah,  80,  86-7.  114,  123;  of     life     of,     125-30;     invents 

St.  Joseph,  188;  St.  Lawrence,  steamboat,   127-8;   obtams  ex- 

89,  177;  St.  Ottawa,  89;  Stony,  elusive  rights  on  Virginia  and 

JZ,  77 '1   Susquehanna,   18,   166,  Pennsylvania     waters,     128-9; 

178,   183,   193;  Tennessee,   18;  serves  Potomac  Company,  128- 

Thames,    129;    Tygart   Valley,  129;  dies  in  England,  129 

63-4 ;    Utawas :    see    Ottawa ;  Rumsey,  James,  Jr.,  awarded 

Youghiogheny,    8,    30,    35,    36,  medal  by  Congress,  129 

40-1,  58,  67,  70,  71,  82,  90,  92,  Rumsey  Society,  formation  of, 

104,  109,  116,  117,  119,  130,  134,  129 

140,    141,    142,    156,    159,    161,  Rush,  Jacob,  Washington's  eject- 

171,   172,   183  ment  suit  tried  before  Justice, 

Roads:      Alleghany      Mountain,  157 

Washington  describes,  40;  Al-  Rutherford,  Robert,  Ohio  lands 

exandria,    Va.,    to    Cleveland,  of,  62,  161 

O.,    118;    Braddock's,   instance  S 
of  misspelling  of  name  of,  127; 

with     Washington,    on     128;  Sale,  Washington's  and  Craw- 
historic  associations  of,  130-2;  ford's  co-partnership,  47 
place  in  national  development,  Sandy  Creek,  36,  75,  130,  167; 
131-2;   mentioned.   30,   63,   67,  see  Glades 
70,  124,  133,  134.  135,  136,  137.  "  Saratoga,"       General       Daniel 
138,   139,   140,  161,  167;   Cheat  Morgan's  Virginia  home,  109, 
River    to    Potomac,    71;    Cul-  115 

peper,    174 ;    Cumberland    Na-  Schedule  of  Washington's  lands, 

tional,  Washington  the  father  11-12 

of,  14,  123;  Deerfield  (Mass.)  Schuyler,  Gen.  Philip,  Washmg- 

to    Templeton,    112;    Forbes's,  ton  to,  102,  108 

mentioned,     167;     Georgetown  Scotch-Irish  seceders  squat  on 

to  Leesburg,  107;  Little  Kana-  Washington's  lands,  147 

wha  to  Monongahela,  31 ;  Mc-  Scott,  James,  squatter  on  Wash- 

Collocks :     see     McCuUough's  ington's  land,  29,  30,  52-5.  152, 

Path;     Moorfield,     171;     Na-  157                               .     ,      ,     „ 

tional:        see        Cumberland;  Scott,  James.   Jr.,      rmgleader^ 

"  New,"    Washington    follows  of  squatters  on  Washmgton  s 

the,     167,     168,     169;     Turkey  Pennsylvania  lands,   152,   157 

Foot,  48,  58,  156;  Virginia  to  Scull's  Map,  cited,  96 

Kentucky,      117;      Winchester  Seceders  on  Washington's  land, 

westward,  29  148,  I54               .       . 

Rockingham  Court  House,  Va.,  Seneca  Falls,  navigation  over, 

Washington  at,  81  187           ,  ^      ,  „   ,        .,     , 

Rome,  N.  Y..  mentioned,  182  "  Shades  of  Death,    described, 

Rough  Creek,  Washington's  134             „            ,           •          r 

lands  on,  12  Shaler,   N.   S.,  on  formation  of 

Round  Bottom  (Ohio  River),  prairies,  121;  Kentucky,  cited, 

Washington's  land  on,  12  121 

212 


INDEX 


Shenandoah  Falls,  navigation 

over,  187 
Shepherd's  Tavern,  Isreal, 

Washington  at,  28,  1 13-14 
Shepperd,  Col.  David,  Wheeling 

pioneer,  31,  123 
Shurtees  Creek;  see  Chartiers 

Creek 
Simpson,  Gilbert,  mentioned,  27, 

39,  42,  46,  47,  48,  55,  56,   58, 

109,  no,  140,  142,  143,  144,  158, 

159 

Sincell,  Edward  H.,  mentioned, 
.23 

Sir  John's  Run,  Rumsey's  steam- 
boat experiment  in,  126 

'■  Skipton  "  ;  see  Old  Town 

Smith,  Mr.  Thomas,  as  Wash- 
ington's attorney,  56,  58,  60, 
156,  157.  158 

Smith's,  Widow,  Washington 
at,  81 

Smith-lVashington  Correspon- 
dence, 148,  157,  159 

Smithfield,  Pa.,  Washington  at, 

134 

Snearenger,  Thos. ;  see  Swear- 
ingin 

Snicker's  Gap,  Washington  at, 
114 

Snodgrasses  on  Back  Creek, 
Washington  at,  32 

Spanish  decree  prohibiting  im- 
provement of  unnavigable  riv- 
ers, quoted,  19 

Sparks,  Jared,  Writings  of 
Washington,  quoted,  109,  no, 
III,  114,  125,  129,  130,  150,  152, 
178,  186,  189,  190,  191,  195,  196 

Speed  maintained  by  Washing- 
ton crossing  Alleghanies,  42 

Spurgeon's,  James,  Washington 
at,  167 

Squatters,  on  Washington's 
Pennsylvania  lands  visit  him, 
46 ;  religious  scruples  of,  49 ; 
improvements  on  Washing- 
ton's land,  50,  53 ;  arguments 
of,  53-4;  Washington  offers 
terms  to,  54;  decide  to  stand 


suit,  54 ;  list  of,  54-5  ;  lose  their 

case,    157-9;    history    of    land 

held  by,  159 
Statutes  at  Large  (Va.)  ;  see 

Henning 
Staunton,  Va.,  routes  to,  123 ; 

mentioned,  174 
St.  Clair,  Gen.,  mentioned,  191 
Steamboat,  Rumsey's  invention 

of,  126-9 
Stevens,  John  Austin,  quoted, 

163-4 

Stewart,  Andrew,  "  Report  on 
Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal  in 
1826,"  Reports  of  Committees 
of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, 20 

Stewart,  William,  squatter  on 
Washington's  land,  50,  54,  152 

Stone  Mill,  123 

Stony  Creek,  Washington 
crosses,  yy,  173 

Stoverstown,  Va.,  mentioned,  123 

Stroad.  Capt.,  Washington  in- 
terviews, 30,  31,  35,  119,  122, 
123 

Strother,  Jane,  wife  of  Lewis, 
boyhood  friend  of  Washing- 
ton's, 146 

Submarine  boat  invented  by 
Bushnell,  Washington  inter- 
ested in,  129 

Swearingin,  Thomas,  Washing- 
ton mentions.  31 

Swearingin,  Capt.,  accompanies 
Washington,  55 ;  agrees  to  as- 
sist Washington  prove  title  to 
Pennsylvania  land,  56;  men- 
tioned, 87,  122 

Sweet  Springs,  31 

Swift  Run  Gap,  Washington  in, 
84,  174 

Sycamore,  Washington  measures 
gigantic,  132 


T 


Ten  Mile  Creek,  W.  Va.,  naviga- 
tion of,  38;  mentioned,  43,  130, 
131,  132,  133,  140,  156 


213 


INDEX 


Terra  Alta,  glades  near,  122 

"  Thomas  and  Ann,"  patent  for, 
quoted,  170 

Thompson's,  Israel,  Washington 
at,  28,  114 

Thwaites,  R.  G.,  Withers  Chroni- 
cles of  Border  Warfare,  cited, 
119,  141,  168 

Timber,'  species  and  size  indicate 
richness  of  soil,  131-2 

Toby's  Creek,  95,  96,  178,  183 

Tomlinson's  Tavern,  Washing- 
ton at,  40,  133-4;  misspelling 
of  name  of,  133 

Topographical  Description;  see 
Hutchins 

Trade,  Washington  describes 
primitive  western,  98-102 

Traders  meet  Washington  in 
Alleghanies,  42 

Trammel,  John,  mentioned,  113 

Trammell,   Sampson,  Washing- 
ton stops  with,  27 

Trickett,  Mr.,  meets  Washing- 
ton, 28 

Trunk,  contents  of  Washington's 
equipage,  57 

Tumberson ;  see  Tomlinson 

Tumblestone ;  see  Tomlinson 

W 

Washington,  George,  H.  B. 
Adams's  tribute  to,  3  ;  promoter 
of  expansion,  3 ;  prophesies 
dismally  concerning  America, 
4 ;  early  hope  in  the  West.  5 ; 
the  first  commercial  American, 
6;  antedated  the  more  promi- 
nent American  promoters,  6 ; 
tour  of  the  Mohawk,  7 ;  writes 
de  Chastellux  concerning 
American  expansion,  8 ;  ac- 
quaintance with  the  West.  8, 
9;  organizes  the  Mississippi 
Company,  9,  10;  begins  buy- 
ing western  lands,  10;  ignores 
the  Proclamation  of  1763,  10; 
receives  bounty  lands,  10,  11  ; 
describes     western     lands     to 


John  Witherspoon,  1 1 ;  sched- 
ule of  lands,  11,  12;  land  hold- 
ings small  compared  with 
other  speculators,  13 ;  believed 
that  West  would  be  populated, 
13 ;  policies  concerning  west- 
ern development,  13,  14;  Fa- 
ther of  the  Cumberland  Road, 
Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal, 
and  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail- 
way, 14;  attitude  to  western 
statehood  problem,  Adams  on, 
14,  15;  knowledge  of  the  lines 
of  communications  between 
East  and  West,  16,  17;  advo- 
cates canalization  of  rivers,  17, 
18;  explores  the  upper  Poto- 
mac, 19 ;  plans  opening  navi- 
gation on  Potomac,  20 ;  plans 
western  trip  of  1784,  21  ;  Diary 
of  1784,  22;  states  purpose  of 
journey,  22;  Diary  interests 
present-day  mountaineers,  23 ; 
co-partnership  lands  with  Gil- 
bert Simpson,  27 ;  leaves 
Mount  Vernon,  27;  travelling 
equipage,  27,  56,  57;  accom- 
panied by  Dr.  Craik,  27 ;  dines 
at  Sampson  Trammell's,  27, 
28;  passes  Falls  Church,  28; 
at  Difficulty  Bridge,  28 ;  lodges 
at  Shepherd's  Tavern,  28;  ar- 
rives at  Leesburg,  28;  lodged 
at  Israel  Thompson's,  28; 
transacts  business  with  tenants 
in  Berkeley  County,  28;  break- 
fasts at  Key's  Ferry,  28 ;  ar- 
rives at  Col.  Charles  Wash- 
ington's, 28 ;  meets  Col. 
Warner  Washington,  Mr. 
Wormeley,  General  Morgan 
and  Mr.  Trickett,  28 ;  restates 
object  of  western  trip,  29;  re- 
ceives information  from  Gen- 
eral Morgan,  29 ;  hears  of  a 
road  from  Winchester  to  West- 
ern waters,  29 ;  horses  suffer, 
29 ;  secures  a  baggage  wagon, 
29;  reaches  Captain  Stroads's, 
30 ;  learns  of  the  "  Glades,"  30 ; 


214 


INDEX 


learns  of  a  road  from  Sandy 
Creek    Glades,    30;    hears    of 
Strouds's   route   to    Kentucky, 
31  ;  hears  of  path  from  Wheel- 
ing to  Brownsville,  31 ;  reaches 
Snodgrasses    on    Back    Creek, 
32;     at     Bath,     32-6;     meets 
James      Rumsey,     32;     views 
Rumsey's   model   of  a   steam- 
boat, 32,  2:i ;  town  lots  in  Bath, 
3S ;   engages  Rumsey  to  build 
houses  in  Bath.  33,  34;  houses 
in    Bath,    description    of,    34 ; 
meets  Rev.   Mr.   Balmain,  34; 
talks  with  Col.  Bruce  concern- 
ing westward    routes,   35,  36; 
learns   of   McCullough's   path, 
35 ;  requests  Bruce  to  explore 
North      Branch      route,      36 ; 
agrees  to  explore  Little  Kana- 
wha route,  36 ;  hires  three  pack- 
horses,  36 ;  orders  baggage  to 
proceed     to     Headricks,     37 ; 
joined   by   William   Craik,  37; 
joined     by     nephew     Bushrod 
Washington,    37;    reaches    15 
Miles      Creek,      27 ;      requests 
Mr.    McCraker    to    offer    his 
land  for  sale,  37;  judges  lands 
by    timber    they   produce,    37 ; 
reaches   Old   Town,  38;   com- 
pelled     to      discharge      hired 
horses,    38;    hires    one    more 
pack-horse,  38;  hears  discour- 
aging   reports    of    Ten    Mile 
Creek,  38 ;  reaches  Fort  Cum- 
berland, 39 ;  proceeds  ahead  of 
baggage,   39;    dines   at   Gwins, 
39 ;  lodges  at  Tomlinson's,  40 ; 
describes  roads  in  Alleghanies, 
40-2;     reaches     Little     Cross- 
ings,   40;    describes    Youghio- 
gheny  River,  41  ;  reaches  Great 
Crossings,      41 ;      lodged      at 
Daugherty's,  41 ;  reaches  Great 
Meadows,  41 ;  describes  Great 
Meadows,  41 ;  dined  at  Thomas 
Gist's,     42 ;     reaches     Gilbert 
Simpson's,  42 ;  rates  of  speed 
maintained  crossing  the  moun- 


tains, 42;  meets  traders  in  the 
mountains,  42;   secures   infor- 
mation    from    traders    as    to 
navigation  of  western  streams, 
43;    hears    of    murders    com- 
mitted  by   Indians,   44 ;    visits 
his   mill,  45;   describes  condi- 
tion  of  mill   and   other  prop- 
erty, 45;  visited  by  Col.  Wil- 
liam     Butler      and      Captain 
Lucket,   46;    misdemeanors   of 
Indians  confirmed,  46;  visited 
by    squatters    on    the    Miller's 
Creek  lands,  46;  agrees  to  go 
to    Miller's    Creek    lands,    46; 
property  offered  for  sale  and 
rent  at  a  public  sale,  47 ;  plan- 
tation  rented   for  500  bushels 
of    wheat,    47 ;    determines    to 
return  home  the  way  he  came, 
48;  gives  leases  to  lands,  48; 
closes    accounts    with    Gilbert 
Simpson,     48;     makes     Major 
Thomas  Freeman  his  western 
agent,   48;    sets   out   with   Dr. 
Craik   for  Miller's  Creek,  48; 
reaches  Devore's  Ferry  on  the 
Monongahela  River,  49;  dines 
at    Hamilton's,   49 ;    lodges   at 
Colonel    Cannon's,   49;   passes 
Colonel  Cook's  home,  49;  re- 
frains   from    visiting    tenants 
Sunday  because  of  their  scru- 
ples, 49;  visits  Dr.  Johnson's, 
49;  visits  Miller's  Creek  farms 
and   squatters,   50-3 ;   dines   at 
David  Reed's,  53 ;  confers  with 
squatters'     spokesmen,     James 
Scott  and   Squire   Reed  as  to 
terms,    53-41    offers    terms    to 
squatters,  54 ;  receives  refusal 
of   squatters   individually,    54; 
returns  to  Cannon's  with  com- 
pany,   55 ;    recrosses    Devore's 
Ferry,    55 ;    dines    at    Wicker- 
man's  Mill,  55 ;  promised  help 
in     prosecuting     suit     against 
squatters     by     Col.      Cannon, 
Capt.    Richie,   etc.,    56;    issues 
instructions    to    Major    Free- 


215 


INDEX 


man,  56;  sets  out  for  Season 
Town  (Uniontown,  Pa.).  56; 
reaches  Season  Town,  56 ;  in- 
tends to  engage  Thomas 
Smith  as  attorney,  56 ;  sched- 
ule of  contents  of  equipage 
trunk,  57;  meets  Captain  Har- 
din at  Season  Town,  57 ; 
receives  information  concern- 
ing Little  Kanawha  and  Cheat 
rivers,  58 ;  determines  to  re- 
turn home  by  way  of  Cheat 
River  and  North  Sranch  of 
Potomac,  58;  sends  Dr.  Craik 
home  by  Turkey  Foot  Road, 
58 ;  sets  out  with  nephew  and 
Col.  Philips  for  Cheat  River, 
58;  engages  Attorney  Smith, 
58 ;  memorandum  concerning 
suit,  59;  at  Col.  Phillips',  59; 
starts  for  Hanway's,  60; 
crosses  Cheat  River,  60;  re- 
marks its  color,  60-1 ;  pro- 
ceeds to  Pierpoint's,  61  ;  fails 
to  find  records  sought,  61 ; 
awaits  arrival  of  Gen.  Morgan 
and  others,  62 ;  interviews 
these  frontiersmen,  62-5 ;  re- 
solves to  push  eastward  on 
new  road,  65 ;  reaches  Ice's 
Ferry,  65 ;  questions  Ice  on 
Cheat  navigation,  65  -  6 ; 
crosses  Laurel  Hill  (Cheat 
Mountain),  67;  reaches  James 
Spurgeon's,  67;  describes  Mc- 
Cullough's  Path,  67;  secures 
guide  Lemon,  68 ;  crosses  Bri- 
ery Mountain,  68;  reaches 
Charles  Friend's,  69 ;  describes 
Glades,  69-70;  consults  Friend 
on  routes,  70-2 ;  proceeds  to 
Archy's  Spring.  Ryan's  Glade, 
Thos.  Logston's,  Jos.  Logstons, 
North  Sranch  of  Potomac, 
72 ;  obtains  Logston's  opinion 
of  routes,  73-4;  compares 
opinions,  74-7;  learns  more 
of  James-Kanawha  route  from 
Logston,  76-7 ;  crosses  Stony 
Creek,   "JT,   crosses   Alleghany 


Mountain,  78;  reaches  Col. 
Hites,  78 ;  consults  Hite  on 
South  Branch  navigation,  79 ; 
sets  out  for  Lewis's,  79-80,  at 
Rubibort's,  80;  at  Fishwater's 
in  Brock's  Gap,  80 ;  at  Bryan's, 
Widow  Smith's,  Gilbert's,  and 
Jones's,  81  ;  at  Lewis's,  81-4 ; 
at  Swift  Run  Gap,  Widow 
Yearly's,  Culpeper  Court 
House  and  Ashby's,  84;  at 
Colchester,  85 ;  reaches  Mount 
Vernon,  85 ;  disappointment 
and  satisfaction  of  journey, 
85-6 ;  summary  of  trip,  86- 
105 ;  on  navigation  of  Shen- 
andoah, 86 ;  Potomac,  86-7 ; 
Ohio  and  tributaries,  871-9; 
Monongahela  and  tributaries, 
90,  92 ;  schedule  of  water 
routes  from  Detroit  to  Alex- 
andria, 92-3 ;  avoiding  Penn- 
sylvania, 93-4 ;  Detroit  to 
Richmond,  94;  Detroit  to 
Philadelphia,  95-6 ;  Detroit  to 
Albany,  96-7 ;  Detroit  to  Mon- 
treal, 97-8 ;  conclusion  of  study 
of  routes,  98-100;  estimate  of 
future  trade  of  the  West,  100- 
102  ;  resigns  command  of  army, 
107 ;  arrives  at  Mount  Vernon, 
107 ;  held  the  confidence  of  the 
nation,  107;  close-fisted,  108; 
describes  personal  losses  to 
General  Schuyler,  108 ;  in  dan- 
ger of  losing  western  lands, 
108 ;  describes  personal  losses 
to  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne, 
109;  plans  western  journey, 
109;  purpose  of  western  trip, 
no;  letter  of  invitation  to  Dr. 
Craik,  no;  as  Father  of  the 
West,  112;  at  the  height  of 
his  fame,  114;  route  westward 
in  1770,  114;  attitude  toward 
inter-colonial  and  inter-State 
rivalry,  115-19;  desired  to  es- 
tablish a  Virginian  route 
westward,  119;  treatment  of 
Rumsey  compared  with  Frank- 


2l6 


INDEX 


lin's  treatment  of  Fitch,  128-9; 
misspells  names,  133;  never 
indulges  in  reminiscences,  135  ; 
farm  in  Great  Meadows.  136- 
7 ;  examined  coal  outcrop- 
pings  in  Fayette  County, 
Pennsylvania,  in  1770,  142; 
ejectment  suit  against  squat- 
ters, 143-59 ;  brief  mention 
of  Col.  Cook  explained,  151  ; 
ethics  in  land  investments, 
153-4;  legal  talent,  157,  note; 
interview  with  young  Gallatin, 
two  narratives  of.  162-7 ;  letter 
to  Governor  Harrison  on  Vir- 
ginia's opportunity,  175-86 ; 
forms  Potomac  Company,  187 ; 
to  R.  H.  Lee,  187-9;  advo- 
cates internal  improvements 
for  military  reasons  to  Knox, 
189,  191  ;  for  immigration  rea- 
sons to  David  Humphreys, 
190;  to  R.  H.  Lee  on  internal 
improvements  as  related  to 
Mississippi  River  navigation 
dispute ;  190-1  ;  influence  on 
internal  improvement  legisla- 
tion in  Pennsylvania,  192-3 ; 
in  New  York,  193 ;  generous 
estimate  of  New  Yorkers,  194; 
desired  that  every  route  west- 
ward should  be  opened,  194 ; 
influence  on  the  awakening  of 
the  West,  195 ;  originator  of 
national  exploration  and  sur- 
veys, 195  ;  same  opinion  as  to 
separation  of  Kentucky  and 
Virginia,  195-6 ;  foresaw  sea- 
rigged  vessels  descending  Ohio 
River,  196;  material  side  of 
character,  Adams  on,  197 ; 
personality,  need  of  carefully 
weighed  conclusions  as  to, 
198-9 
Washington,  John,  father  of 
Bushrod,  mentioned,  131 


Washington,  Col.  Warner,  meets 
General  Washington  at  Charles 
Washington's  28 ;  mentioned, 
78.  79,  156 

Washington-Craivford   Letters; 
see  Butterfield 

Washington  Coke  and  Coal  Co., 
operate  on  land  owned  for- 
merly by  Washington.  142 

Washington  -  Smith  Correspon- 
dence; see  Crumrine  and  Hum- 
rich 

Withers  Chronicles  of  Border 
Warfare;  see  Thwaites 

Watson,  History  of  the  Western 
Canals  in  the  State  of  New 
York,  193 

Wayne.  Gen.,  mentioned,  191 

Webster,  Daniel,  quoted,  on  the 
West,  6,  13 ;  Works,  cited,  139 

Webster's  Switch,  171 

Western  Inland  Lock  Naviga- 
tion Co.,  193 

Wheeling,  W.  Va.,  123,  133 

White  Oak  Springs,  134 

Wickerman's  Mill,  Washington 

Wilderson,  William,  mentioned, 

173 

Williamson.   Hugh,   Washing- 
ton to.  on  Rumsey,  129 

Wills  Creek,  40,  75,  93 

Winchester,  Va.,  115,   116,  123 

Witherspoon,   President  John, 
Washington  writes,  11 

Wood's,  123 

Woodstock,  123 

Wood  Creek,  97 

Works  of  Daniel  Webster,  The; 
see  Webster 

Wormeley,  Mr.,  visits  Washing- 
ton, 28 

Y 

Yearly's,  Widow,  Washington 
hospitably  entertained  at,  84 


217 


3  0112  025336782 


